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11.
Brian E. Burtch 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1987,10(4):399-420
The New Midwifery, a form of community midwifery rooted in home birth and intensive prenatal and postnatal care, has attracted great controversy since its appearance in British Columbia in the early 1970s. On the one hand, this form of community midwifery has endured despite legal prohibition. Midwives derive an income from their practices, obtain necessary supplies and equipment, and are active in lobbying for recognition through the State. On the other hand, community midwifery is marginalized and illegal. Out-of-hospital births comprise less than one percent of births in British Columbia (and nationwide). Community midwives are excluded from the provincal Medical Services Plan and they lack hospital privileges if their clients are transferred to hospital. Community midwives are more likely than medical personnel to be tried for criminal negligence causing death and subject to prosecution under theMedical Practitioners Act of practicing medicine without a license.Community midwifery illustrates the structural limits placed on female birth attendants working outside the norm of professionally accredited, hospital situated childbirth. It is concluded that State measures in Canada structure power relations in a dialectical fashion. This includes measures to consolidate the monopoly status of the medical profession and the nursing profession, while temporizing about demands for independent midwifery practice. State powers are however relatively autonomous of dominant economic groups such as the Medical profession. Not all prosecutions of community midwives are successful, and contradictions in State policies surrounding monopolistic powers and civil liberties, and gender relations are evident.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association Meetings, University of Manitoba, June 1986. The author is grateful for resources provided through the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Department of Anthropology and Sociology (University of British Columbia), and the School of Criminology, Simon Fraser University. Comments from Carol Bullock, Nanette Davis, Bob Ratner, Livy Visano and the Journal referees have been helpful in revising this paper. 相似文献
12.
Identity development and perceived parental behavior as sources of adolescent egocentrism 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
Brian P. O'Connor 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1995,24(2):205-227
Adolescent egocentrism involves heightened self-consciousness and feelings of uniqueness (O. Elkind [1967], Egocentrism in Adolescence, Child Development, Vol. 38, pp. 1025–1034). Some studies have found that adolescent egocentrism is associated with identity development, and other studies have found that egocentrism is associated with perceptions of parental behavior. The purposes of this investigation were to simultaneously examine the associations between these variables (1) to determine whether identity development and perceived parental behavior display separate or overlapping associations with adolescent egocentrism, and (2) to clarify the directions of the relationships between these variables. Four hundred eighteen subjects from 12 to 21 years of age completed established measures of identity development, perceived parental behavior, and egocentrism. Identity development was more strongly and consistently related to egocentrism (egocentric adolescents tended to be identity achieved or to be experiencing an identity crisis), whereas perceived parental behavior accounted for little additional variance. The results also clarify differences between the two primary measures of adolescent egocentrism (the Adolescent Egocentrism Scale and Imaginary Audience Scale).Received his M.Sc. and Ph.D. from the University of Victoria. His main interests are in personality, and social and developmental psychology. 相似文献
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Elections provide a mandate to pursue a set of policies. Party label provides a concise ideological cue for voters to choose among candidates, and research on industrial democracies verifies a link between the parties voters elect and subsequent policy outcomes. The combination of inchoate party systems and economic vulnerability elsewhere may weaken the link between voter choice and policy. When examining economic policies in Latin America, there is some controversy as to whether governments carried out "reform by surprise"—promising one thing during a campaign while implementing another in office. We test whether the ideological reputations of executives' and legislators' parties explain whether they adopt market-oriented policies. We find that the future behavior of presidential candidates is difficult for voters to predict. However, the ideological reputation of legislators is a reliable predictor of policy outcomes, and the relationship is clarified by the prospects of collective action by legislative delegations. 相似文献
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We examine the limits of ecological inference methods by focusing on the case of split-ticket voting. Burden and Kimball (1998) report that, by using the King estimation procedure for inferring individual-level behavior from aggregate data, they are the first to produce accurate estimates of split-ticket voting rates in congressional districts. However, a closer examination of their data reveals that a satisfactory analysis of this problem is more complex than may initially appear. We show that the estimation technique is highly suspect in general and especially unhelpful with their particular data. 相似文献
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