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951.
This paper examines some of the secondary or indirect consequences of multistakeholder collaborative processes in the environmental arena. Its thesis is that such collaborative processes constitute fertile ground for participating actors to experience change in their subjective understandings of and relationships to each other, themselves, and environmental action. This exposition draws upon ethnographic research performed with a U.S.-based multistakeholder environmental partnership over a two year period in 1997–1998 as well as a theoretical perspective conceptualizing these personal transformations in terms of social learning, cultural production, and identity formation. Three main findings are explored that support the proposed thesis. The first concerns contributions toward personal transformation made by typical partnership structures and operations. The second pertains to the existence of a commonly shared belief among partnership participants demonstrating an expectation for such changes. The third involves evidence that such transformations actually do take place. Examples from the case study include changes to participants understandings of other environmental stakeholders, the development of new relationships among participating actors, the adoption of new ways of approaching environmental problem solving and decision making, and the formation of altered identities. The paper explores some of the implications, both positive and negative, that this transformative quality of multistakeholder environmental partnerships has for both environmental problem solving and some of the enduring conflicts that have impeded satisfying environmental action in the past. Finally, recommendations are made for how practitioners may organize, manage, and evaluate multistakeholder partnerships to promote such changes. 相似文献
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Eric H. Steele 《Law & social inquiry》1981,6(2):293-376
The conception of simple, informal, lawyerless courts where ordinary people can settle their affairs amicably without expense, delay, technicality, or contentiousness has fascinated Americans since colonial times. This theme can be seen running through the movements to codify the law, simplify legal procedure, open the practice of law to Everyman, create conciliation courts; the creation of the small claims courts and administrative tribunals; and attempts in the 1960s and 1970s to divert small matters out of the courts altogether and into Neighborhood Justice Centers and other informal dispute resolution mechanisms. The long and complex history of reform has been characterized by cyclical shifts in emphasis between two principal modes of characterizing small claims. One mode characterizes small claims as petty private quarrels and has led to attempts to supply justice by aiding fair outcomes between the particular parties. Since no broader social impact of the dispute is seen, the most efficient possible individual level response is viewed as appropriate. The other mode perceives small claims as particular instances of important systematic injustices between social groups or classes and has led to attempts to use small claims processing as the forum for making important policy. Perceiving broad social impact of the resolution of small claims, one will see a mobilization of aggregate resources to deal with them as important social problems as appropriate. As a result, entire classes of cases and issues may be skimmed off and dealt with collectively as important social-legal problems. When this occurs the perception of the small claims that remain shifts to the other mode, and they are viewed as less important residual petty quarrels meriting less attention and resources. This periodic skimming off of certain claims and waning of collective attention to the remaining mass of claims has introduced a cyclical element into the development of small claims courts (and other legal reforms). Thus the mode of preceiving small claims itself conditions the mode of legal response which is advocated. 相似文献
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The educational aid programme sponsored by the U.K. Overseas Development Administration has been conducted using organizations in which substantial changes have been made in the last ten years. This article analyses the changes in the structure of non-departmental agencies and in the relations between the Overseas Development Administration and the agencies, and considers the rationale for these. It draws attention to the contrast between the formal independence of these non-departmental bodies and continuing departmental control, and to the limitations of non-departmental bodies as a means of securing advice and co-operation. The article points to the difficulties in organizational terms of marrying the aim of providing a framework for co-operating with the recipients of aid, and for securing advice, co-operation and support in its administration from bodies outside central government in the U.K., while preserving ministerial responsibility. 相似文献
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