全文获取类型
收费全文 | 17072篇 |
免费 | 511篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 946篇 |
工人农民 | 705篇 |
世界政治 | 1185篇 |
外交国际关系 | 630篇 |
法律 | 10236篇 |
中国共产党 | 5篇 |
中国政治 | 197篇 |
政治理论 | 3523篇 |
综合类 | 156篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 218篇 |
2019年 | 271篇 |
2018年 | 389篇 |
2017年 | 420篇 |
2016年 | 416篇 |
2015年 | 328篇 |
2014年 | 346篇 |
2013年 | 1930篇 |
2012年 | 432篇 |
2011年 | 524篇 |
2010年 | 406篇 |
2009年 | 437篇 |
2008年 | 480篇 |
2007年 | 431篇 |
2006年 | 464篇 |
2005年 | 403篇 |
2004年 | 432篇 |
2003年 | 426篇 |
2002年 | 362篇 |
2001年 | 594篇 |
2000年 | 574篇 |
1999年 | 458篇 |
1998年 | 255篇 |
1997年 | 218篇 |
1996年 | 215篇 |
1995年 | 191篇 |
1994年 | 194篇 |
1993年 | 208篇 |
1992年 | 324篇 |
1991年 | 323篇 |
1990年 | 306篇 |
1989年 | 303篇 |
1988年 | 303篇 |
1987年 | 315篇 |
1986年 | 322篇 |
1985年 | 300篇 |
1984年 | 291篇 |
1983年 | 298篇 |
1982年 | 180篇 |
1981年 | 156篇 |
1980年 | 151篇 |
1979年 | 193篇 |
1978年 | 148篇 |
1977年 | 129篇 |
1976年 | 124篇 |
1975年 | 112篇 |
1974年 | 110篇 |
1973年 | 118篇 |
1972年 | 112篇 |
1969年 | 95篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
781.
Does Performance Budgeting Work? An Examination of the Office of Management and Budget’s PART Scores
In this paper, the authors use the Bush administration's management grades from the Program Assessment Rating Tool (PART) to evaluate performance budgeting in the federal government—in particular, the role of merit and political considerations in formulating recommendations for 234 programs in the president's fiscal year 2004 budget. PART scores and political support were found to influence budget choices in expected ways, and the impact of management scores on budget decisions diminished as the political component was taken into account. The Bush administration's management scores were positively correlated with proposed budgets for programs housed in traditionally Democratic departments but not in other departments. The federal government's most ambitious effort to use performance budgeting to date shows both the promise and the problems of this endeavor. 相似文献
782.
Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party Identification and Policy Preferences in the American Electorate 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
Scholars have long debated the individual-level relationship between partisanship and policy preferences. We argue that partisanship and issue attitudes cause changes in each other, but the pattern of influence varies systematically. Issue-based change in party identification should occur among individuals who are aware of party differences on an issue and find that issue to be salient. Individuals who are aware of party differences, but do not attach importance to the issue, should evidence party-based issue change. Those lacking awareness of party differences on an issue should show neither effect. We test our account by examining individuals' party identifications and their attitudes on abortion, government spending and provision of services, and government help for African Americans using the 1992-94-96 National Election Study panel study, finding strong support for our argument. We discuss the implications of our findings both for the microlevel study of party identification and the macrolevel analysis of partisan change. 相似文献
783.
Thomas C. Ratliff 《Public Choice》2006,126(3-4):343-355
In selecting a committee, voters are often concerned with the over all composition of the committee rather than simply selecting a single individual as their representative. We give two examples of elections at Wheaton College in Massachusetts that illustrate the complexity of preferences that voters may have for the relationships among the individual candidates. These preferences cannot be separated into preferences on the individual candidates and are not detectable from only a voter's top-ranked committee. We outline the questions this raises for the design of committee elections in general and propose directions for future work. 相似文献
784.
Scott E. Page 《Public Choice》2006,129(3-4):511-514
785.
In 2006, the Public Choice Society chose a new president using approval voting. There were five candidates, and the election was extremely close. We indicate the sources of support of the different candidates, based in part on spectral analysis, by voters who cast between one and five votes. Using preference information that was also gathered, we show that two candidates different from the approval voting winner, including the apparent Condorcet winner, might have won under different voting systems. Because most voters did not indicate their complete preference rankings, however, these differences are hardly robust, especially since the outcome was essentially a dead heat. 相似文献
786.
Ryan C. Walker 《Citizenship Studies》2006,10(4):391-411
State-society relations around low-cost housing in Canada changed from a period of strong federal leadership centred on social rights to a period of state retrenchment. A coalition of housing stakeholders from the public, private, and voluntary sectors self-organized in Winnipeg to create new low-cost housing following the 1993 discontinuation of federal social housing programs. This move toward urban citizenship was not received in the same way by Aboriginal peoples pursuing a distinctive set of rights centred on self-determination alongside common social (housing) goals. While Aboriginal rights are given regard at the federal level, they were not embedded in localized citizenship processes. Expanding the theorization of urban citizenship, the empirical results in this article reveal that discourses of democratic racism and cultural neutrality permeate mainstream views, running counter to Aboriginal citizenship pursuits. 相似文献
787.
788.
789.
KARL C. KALTENTHALER TEPHEN J. CECCOLI & ANDREW MICHTA 《European Journal of Political Research》2006,45(1):1-29
Abstract. This article explores the sources of individual-level variation in support economic privatization in seven European post-Soviet countries. It tests economic utilitarian and psychological explanations of variations in support for economic privatization. The economic utilitarian explanation posits that individuals seek to maximize their potential material gains from economic liberalization. The psychological explanation posits that if individuals are generally risk averse, they are not likely to support economic privatization. These hypotheses are then tested using two separate regression models. The first model estimates pooled data from across all seven European post-Soviet economies. The second model is a pooled analysis that interacts country-specific dummy variables with each of the independent variables in order to examine the country-specific effects of the responses. The results show that the economic utilitarian and psychological explanations are both strong predictors of why some support and others oppose privatization in the seven European post-Soviet countries. 相似文献
790.