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61.
FOSTERING AFFECTIVE ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT IN PUBLIC SECTOR AGENCIES: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF MULTIFACETED LEADERSHIP ROLES 下载免费PDF全文
This study examines whether the various leadership roles undertaken by public sector managers have an important association with subordinates' levels of affective commitment to the organization. Our empirical findings suggest that not all leadership practices matter. It appears that only relations‐oriented and change‐oriented leadership, and to a far lesser extent integrity‐oriented leadership, have a substantive association with affective organizational commitment. Task‐oriented leadership and, to a large degree, integrity‐oriented leadership, are found not to matter much for employees with lower levels of affective commitment, but they look to strengthen fondness of the organization among those with already high levels of affective commitment. Results also suggest that the diversity‐oriented leadership role has no association with affective commitment to the organization. 相似文献
62.
This article is concerned with the transformation of private troubles into social and legal problems. It is argued that this transformation process involves a micro-and macro-politics of claims-making. Data are presented on police certification and state compensation of sexual assault claims in a mid western state. The largest urban area in this state is distinguished by the collective claims-making of antirape activists, and by the resulting presence of a sexual assault treatment center, which we expected would reduce the influence of racial characteristics on police certifications of innocence, while correspondingly increasing the influence of police certifications on the success of compensation claims. Our results confirm the above expectations. An implication of our findings is that black victims of intraracial sexual assaults are more likely to see their compensation claims succeed, and to see their troubles recognized as social and legal problems in those settings where macro-level antirape efforts have been institutionalized in treatment and/or advocacy centers. More generally, our findings suggest that the transformation of private troubles into social and legal problems can be contingent on collective claims-making in the context considered. 相似文献
63.
ZYGMUNT BAUMAN AMARTYA SEN CHRIS PATTEN JACK GREENBERG JOSE RAMOS‐HORTA ROBERT MCNAMARA CORETTA SCOTT KING JUAN ARQUILLA DAVID RONFELDT PAUL KENNEDY FRANCIS FUKUYAMA MADELEINE ALBRIGHT LAURA D'ANDREA TYSON C. FRED BERGSTEN BENAZIR BHUTTO GRAHAM FULLER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU ARTHUR SCHLESINGER JR. HERBERT BIX JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI PAUL WOLFOWITZ SHINTARO ISHIHARA GRO HARLEM BRUNDTLAND VLADIMIR PUTIN WE JINGSHENG LAURENCE MEYER HALIT REFIG 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):12-13
64.
YVETTE HARTFREESenior Research Associate CHRIS DEARDENResearch Fellows ELSPETH POUNDResearch Fellows 《Howard Journal of Criminal Justice》2010,49(1):31-41
Abstract: The prison discharge grant is intended to meet prisoners' immediate needs on release and assist with living costs prior to their receiving their first benefit payment. It has been widely criticised for providing inadequate financial support, leaving prisoners with a gap in their finances on release. This article discusses the extent to which recent policy developments have been effective in closing this gap. The analysis is based on data from a longitudinal qualitative study of 40 prisoners who were tracked over a six-month period following their release from prison. This research shows that despite new policy initiatives the prisoner finance gap remains. 相似文献
65.
MIKE DAVIS WOLE SOYINKA TARIQ RAMADAN GORAN ROSENBERG AKBAR AHMED GRAHAM FULLER FRANCIS FUKUYAMA SHIRIN EBADI MUHAMMAD SAHIMI HANS BLIX CHRIS PATTEN PERVEZ MUSHARRAF RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN CARLOS FUENTES JORGE CASTANEDA JOSEPH STIGLITZ FERNANDO HENRIQUE CARDOSO RAUL ALFONSIN MITSUKO SHIMOMURA AYAAN HIRSI ALI 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):70-71
66.
The alleged criminogenic nature of female liberation/emancipation has been tested recently by numerous North American researchers. Not only did the results lead them to different conclusions, but they did not test simultaneously for the effects on female conviction rates of increasing economic marginalization or less chivalrous treatment by the public, police, or courts toward female suspects. Data relating to England and Wales for 1951-1980 are used to test these competing explanations for changes in female criminality. The results give little support to the emancipation/liberation causes female crime hypothesis, but do provide limited support for the marginalization thesis. However, changes in social labelling appear to have a significant impact on female conviction rates, suggesting that previous researches omitting this possibility were seriously deficient. The authors suggest further research on actual women's lives and behavioral responses as a means of testing the effects of liberation/emancipation and marginalization on female criminal behavior. 相似文献
67.
CHRIS GIFFORD 《European Journal of Political Research》2006,45(5):851-869
Abstract. Recent approaches to contemporary Euroscepticism have explained it in terms of the politics of opposition and peripherality characteristic of competitive party systems. Euroscepticism becomes a central strategy by which non-mainstream parties or factions within mainstream parties attempt to gain political advantage. In the British case, there has been a focus on the influence Eurosceptic factionalism can have within a first-past-the-post parliamentary system. This article challenges explanations of British Euroscepticism in terms of the politics of opposition and the workings of the party system. Instead, it is proposed that a structural crisis of British party politics has allowed Euroscepticism to enter the political mainstream. The author conceives of Euroscepticism as a distinct and powerful national movement asserting conceptions of Britain's exceptional national identity. This is viewed as part of a post-imperial crisis that shifts parties, and factions within parties, towards populist forms of legitimation that have weakened possibilities for stable and coherent political leadership over European integration. Consequently, mainstream parties have struggled to protect themselves against the ideological influence of this populist Euroscepticism. This is particularly evident during periods of Eurosceptic mobilization, and is demonstrated in this article through the examination of the extensive role played by right-wing Eurosceptic forces during the attempt by the Major Government to ratify the Maastricht Treaty. 相似文献
68.
This symposium, ‘Conceptualizing New Governance Arrangements', takes up the challenge of refining governance theory to better integrate work in several disciplines, most notably politics, public administration and law. To this end, we argue for a theoretical framework that profiles three key dimensions of governance: institutional, political and regulatory. This framework, in our view, offers new insights into the nature and operation of various governance arrangements, and offers the potential to assess and measure change within such arrangements over time. After describing our methodology for selecting and analysing the case studies profiled in the symposium, we introduce each of the articles that apply our three‐dimensional governance framework. These articles employ the framework to consider a variety of contemporary governance scenarios that vary widely by sector (environmental, climate change, forestry and education policy) and level of analysis (sub‐national, national, and bi‐national). 相似文献
69.
EWAN FERLIE LOUISE FITZGERALD GERRY McGIVERN SUE DOPSON CHRIS BENNETT 《Public administration》2011,89(2):307-324
The last two decades have seen a shift in public services organizations from hierarchies to networks. Network forms are seen as particularly suited to handling ‘wicked problems'. We make an assessment of the nature and impact of this shift. Using recent evidence from the United Kingdom (UK) National Health Service (NHS), we explore the nature and functioning of eight different public policy networks. We are also interested in whether there has been a radical transition – or not – from hierarchical to network forms. 相似文献