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131.
Patrick John Ring 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):534-550
Abstract While the governance of pension schemes, and the risk this poses for pension savers, is a prominent issue in current pension debate in the UK, this paper places that debate in, arguably, the more important context of the governance of individual behaviour. Using the concept of governmentality as a means of interpreting the course of recent UK pension policy and its attempts to influence individual saving behaviour, it critiques that policy. The paper then goes on to consider the effect of the introduction of personal accounts upon the pensions landscape, and in particular its potential to push forward the government's recent approach to pension provision. It argues that these reforms, rather than furthering individual saving for retirement, may alternatively create the very real possibility of undermining it. 相似文献
132.
This report presents findings from a public opinion survey designed to measure beliefs about the causes of domestic violence (DV) based on telephone interviews with 1,200 residents across six New York State communities. Findings reveal substantial diversity and complexity among beliefs and interesting similarities and differences across open- and close-ended questions regarding explanations for partner abuse. Most respondents think about the causes of violence in the context of individual problems, relationships, and families, not as a problem with roots in our society or culture. Few believe that women are the cause of their own abuse, one fourth still believe that some women want to be abused, and most believe that women can end abusive relationships. Secondhand experiences with DV were associated with some beliefs about causes of abuse, and gender, age, education, and race were associated with certain beliefs in predictable ways. 相似文献
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Elizabeth Carlson 《Political Behavior》2016,38(1):129-154
Much of the literature on political behavior in Africa’s new semi-democracies has treated partisan affiliation as weak, purely pragmatic, or a proxy for other, more meaningful identities such as ethnicity. In this article, I dispute these conceptions by demonstrating that partisanship in an African context, like partisanship in established democracies, is a psychologically meaningful identity that can inspire voters to engage in motivated reasoning. By combining survey data with an original dataset of objective indicators of local public goods quality in Uganda, I show that supporters of the incumbent president systematically overestimate what they have received from government, while opposition supporters systematically underestimate. Partisan support precedes, rather than results from, this mis-estimation. I also show that partisans of the incumbent (opposition) are significantly more (less) likely to attribute any bad outcomes they observe to private actors rather than the government. I argue that these findings are consistent with the predictions of social identity theory: the conflict that marked many African political transitions, and the mapping of African parties onto existing social cleavages, are sufficient conditions for the creation of strong political-social identities like those that characterize partisanship in the West. My findings indicate that Africanists should take partisanship seriously as a predictor of political behavior and attitudes. 相似文献
135.
Effects of Re‐heating Tissue Samples to Core Body Temperature on High‐Velocity Ballistic Projectile–tissue Interactions
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Caitlin Humphrey B.Hlth.Sc. Maciej Henneberg Ph.D. D.Sc. Christian Wachsberger B.A.Sc. Nicholas Maiden Ph.D. Jaliya Kumaratilake Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2017,62(6):1466-1471
Damage produced by high‐speed projectiles on organic tissue will depend on the physical properties of the tissues. Conditioning organic tissue samples to human core body temperature (37°C) prior to conducting ballistic experiments enables their behavior to closely mimic that of living tissues. To minimize autolytic changes after death, the tissues are refrigerated soon after their removal from the body and re‐heated to 37°C prior to testing. This research investigates whether heating 50‐mm‐cube samples of porcine liver, kidney, and heart to 37°C for varying durations (maximum 7 h) can affect the penetration response of a high‐speed, steel sphere projectile. Longer conditioning times for heart and liver resulted in a slight loss of velocity/energy of the projectile, but the reverse effect occurred for the kidney. Possible reasons for these trends include autolytic changes causing softening (heart and liver) and dehydration causing an increase in density (kidney). 相似文献
136.
Abstract: This study examines underwater soft tissue decomposition of dismembered pig limbs deposited in polyethylene plastic bags. The research evaluates the level of influence that disposal method has on underwater decomposition processes and details observations specific to this scenario. To our knowledge, no other study has yet investigated decomposing, dismembered, and enclosed remains in water environments. The total sample size consisted of 120 dismembered pig limbs, divided into a subsample of 30 pig limbs per recovery period (34 and 71 days) for each treatment. The two treatments simulated non‐enclosed and plastic enclosed disposal methods in a water context. The remains were completely submerged in Lake Ontario for 34 and 71 days. In both recovery periods, the non‐enclosed samples lost soft tissue to a significantly greater extent than their plastic enclosed counterparts. Disposal of remains in plastic bags therefore results in preservation, most likely caused by bacterial inhibition and reduced oxygen levels. 相似文献
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In 2012, the Solomon Islands truth and reconciliation commission (TRC) submitted its Final Report to the Solomon Islands Government. The Report detailed the underlying and proximate causes of the conflict, provided a record of the injustices perpetrated during its course, and presented a set of recommendations designed both to address the underlying sources of tension in Solomon Islands society and to guard against future hostilities. In the time that has since elapsed, however, successive Solomon Islands Governments have failed to uphold their obligations to publish the report and implement its recommendations. This article examines the reasons for this implementation gap and considers its ingoing ramifications for transitional justice and reconciliation in the Solomon Islands. It argues that the implementation gap can be attributed to a fundamental lack of political will, provoked by the TRC's decision to ‘name names,’ combined with the extremely limited economic capacity of the state. What is more, it also demonstrates that the failure to implement key recommendations has meant that the underlying causes of the conflict remain without adequate redress and that the legitimacy of the TRC and the Solomon Islands’ broader reconciliation process has been brought into serious question. 相似文献
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