Do multilingual androids dream of a better life in Australia? Effectiveness of information technology for government translation to support refugees and migrants in Australia

Without high‐quality translation of online information about government support and services, refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia experience a major barrier to improved health, employment, education and social outcomes. Recent advances in the ability of Google Translate, Skype Translator and other forms of machine translation that use artificial intelligence can help translate government information to better support refugees and migrants but they bring the risk of ineffective communication, and exclusion from services that could positively impact on settlement experiences and daily life. Evidence suggests that government agencies are likely to be using human translators for most translation work, but the degree to which any form of information technology is used, how it may be best applied and the associated effects are not known. This study systematically reviewed the peer‐reviewed and grey literature to determine effective ways of using information technology for translating government information to refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia. Included studies were analysed to identify techniques and other characteristics of translation, information technology and language support more broadly, and outcomes on education, health, social and other refugee and migrant experiences relating to translated information. Our review found a small evidence base featuring studies with strong evaluation demonstrating effective forms of ‘language support’ for refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in Australia in a broad sense. However, there is a major gap in knowledge that is contributing to barriers in the use of online government information in Australia. In particular, there is an absence of evidence demonstrating what is effective in the use of machine translation with artificial intelligence, websites and other kinds of information technology for translating government information with refugees and migrants from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. The oversight risks further excluding already marginalised groups from services and support. This paper makes a number of suggestions practitioners can take to address the issue and guidelines for future research.     

Social Protest and Policy Attitudes: The Case of the 2006 Immigrant Rallies

Do protests sway public opinion? If so, why and how? To address these questions, we examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on immigration policy preferences. We use the 2006 Latino National Survey coupled with protest data to examine whether temporal and spatial exposure to the protests are associated with policy preferences. Our findings lend evidence that protest activity influences Latinos’ immigration policy preferences. However, the findings suggest the effect of protest on immigration policy preferences is not uniform across the population, but rather contingent on generational status and the intensity of protest activity at the local level.     

LABOR'S UNKNOWN EXPERIMENT: THE MORETON REGIONAL COORDINATION EXERCISE*

Abstract: The Department of Urban and Regional Development's (DURD's) Moreton Regional Coordination Exercise was a bold experiment. It aimed to coordinate, at a regional level, the activities of all levels of government, an objective close to DURD's heart. The proposal emerged from DURD's struggles with other commonwealth departments, conflicts with the Queensland government over administrative arrangements for the Area Improvement Program and the Australian Assistance Plan, and representations from the Lord Mayor of Brisbane concerning regional arrangements. In the course of setting the exercise up, DURD faced many difficulties, including departmental opposition on the interdepartmental committees and the scepticism of officials at the regional level. In implementing the idea of a regional budget there were serious shortcomings in available information and major difficulties in overcoming the inertia of existing departmental budgetary routines and priorities. The Regional Team of officials produced a report that was redolent of general support for "better coordination", but the specific proposals and their effectiveness were very limited. DURD's coordinating ambitions were thwarted, despite apparent Cabinet support and oversight by a special Cabinet committee. In fact, Cabinet as an institution was too weak and its membership too fragmented to provide the necessary power to overcome bureaucratic conservatism.     

Differences in HIV-related knowledge, attitudes, and behavior among psychiatric outpatients with and without a history of a sexually transmitted infection

HIV infection among the mentally ill is estimated to be at least eight times the prevalence in the general population. Psychiatric patients may also be disproportionately vulnerable to other sexually transmitted infections (STIs), but this has not been well studied. We sought to characterize the prevalence and correlates of STIs in a sample of psychiatric outpatients (N=464). Over one-third of the sample (38%) reported a lifetime history of one or more STIs. Multivariate analyses showed that, relative to those without an STI history, patients with a lifetime STI history were more knowledgeable about HIV, expressed stronger intentions to use condoms, and perceived themselves to be at greater risk for HIV. However, those with a past STI were also more likely to report sex with multiple partners and reported more frequent unprotected sex in the past 3 months. Treatment for an STI may increase HIV knowledge and risk reduction motivation, but does not necessarily lead to changes in sexual risk behavior among psychiatric patients. Findings highlight the need for STI/ HIV risk reduction interventions in psychiatric settings, particularly for patients with high-risk profiles.     

The Use of Repression as a Response to Domestic Dissent

This study contributes to our understanding of government repression in response to internal threats using a quantitative approach. In contrast to previous research, it focuses on the outbreak of state terror and on how different types of domestic dissent influence the risk of such severe state-sponsored violence. The empirical analysis distinguishes between demonstrations, strikes, riots, guerrilla attacks and revolutions, which vary in the level of violence and in the level of organisation that is behind the dissent, and analyses how those forms of threat affect the probability of repression onset. The empirical model controls for a potentially non-linear relationship between level of democracy and repression and investigates how dissent influences state terror in different political regimes. The analysis employs a logit model to test the link between dissent and repression in 149 countries between 1977 and 2002. The findings suggest that only guerrilla warfare increases the probability of repression onset. Democratic political regimes not only decrease the risk of state terror per se, but also dampen the effect of large-scale violent dissent on the risk of repression. The results also show that the longer a country manages to avoid repression, the less likely it is to suffer from repression again.     

Multiplex short tandem repeat amplification of low template DNA samples with the addition of proofreading enzymes

Abstract:  With <100 pg of template DNA, routine short tandem repeat (STR) analysis often fails, resulting in no or partial profiles and increased stochastic effects. To overcome this, some have investigated preamplification methods that include the addition of proofreading enzymes to the PCR cocktail. This project sought to determine whether adding proofreading polymerases directly in the STR amplification mixture would improve the reaction when little template DNA is available. Platinum Taq High Fidelity and GeneAmp High Fidelity were tested in Profiler Plus? STR reactions alone and in combination with AmpliTaq^® Gold. All reactions included the additional step of a post‐PCR purification step. With both pristine low template DNA and casework samples, the addition of these polymerases resulted in comparable or no improvement in the STR amplification signal. Further, stochastic effects and artifacts were observed equally across all enzyme conditions. Based on these studies, the addition of these proofreading enzymes to a multiplex STR amplification is not recommended for low template DNA work.     

The Electoral Sweet Spot: Low‐Magnitude Proportional Electoral Systems

Can electoral rules be designed to achieve political ideals such as accurate representation of voter preferences and accountable governments? The academic literature commonly divides electoral systems into two types, majoritarian and proportional, and implies a straightforward trade‐off by which having more of an ideal that a majoritarian system provides means giving up an equal measure of what proportional representation (PR) delivers. We posit that these trade‐offs are better characterized as nonlinear and that one can gain most of the advantages attributed to PR, while sacrificing less of those attributed to majoritarian elections, by maintaining district magnitudes in the low to moderate range. We test this intuition against data from 609 elections in 81 countries between 1945 and 2006. Electoral systems that use low‐magnitude multimember districts produce disproportionality indices almost on par with those of pure PR systems while limiting party system fragmentation and producing simpler government coalitions.     

A Detailed Cost Evaluation of a Juvenile Drug Court that Follows the Juvenile Drug Court Model (16 Strategies)

Although juvenile drug courts (JDCs) have now been in operation for 17 years, there is still no definitive appraisal as to this model's cost effectiveness and in particular, no detailed cost analysis of a JDC program following the 16 strategies until this one. The cost data presented in this paper build on the process and outcome evaluations performed on the Clackamas County Juvenile Drug Court (CCJDC). The criminal justice costs incurred by participants in drug court are compared with the costs incurred by eligible non‐participants. CCJDC participants had far more positive outcomes than those who did not participate in the program. In the two years after drug court entry, CCJDC participants cost the taxpayers $961 less per participant than similar individuals who did not attend the drug court program.