A Search for Truth: A Critical Analysis of the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission

In Liberia, much debate has surrounded the truth and reconciliation commission both in the challenges that it faced during its operational stage as well as in the issues surrounding the release and content of its report. This article will critically examine the establishment, proceedings, and findings of the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission in order to draw conclusions regarding what lessons can be learned, what could have been done to make the commission more effective, and how we can learn from this example in applying transitional justice mechanisms for future African conflicts.     

Commission Newsletter: Autumn 2012 Minutes of the 63rd Conference of ICHRPI/CIHAE,Cadiz

SUMMARY

The permanent imperial diet at Regensburg (1663–1806), one of the central institutions of the Holy Roman Empire, has been viewed in a negative light by historians for a long time. In recent decades there has been a fundamental re-evaluation of the diet by researchers. The diet is no longer seen as an institution which was incapable of action. Rather, in recent years the focus has been on its powers to maintain lawfulness and peace. One of the new research approaches is that the permanent imperial diet was an important forum for the courts of Vienna and Berlin in building and maintaining a loyal clientele and to gain the support for their own foreign and imperial policies from the imperial Estates. This became particularly obvious in phases of open conflict between Austria and Prussia. Both sides perceived the events at Regensburg increasingly as bipolar and this was especially the case in the Seven Years War (1756–63). If one visualizes the fiercely fought battles between the Partheyen that were dominated by Austria and Prussia, on stage and off stage, then it becomes obvious that it is high time to modify the one-sided old picture of the sleepy diet.     

STRs data for the loci D3S1385, vWA,FGA, D8S1179, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317 and D7S820 from Córdoba (Argentina)

Allele and genotype frequencies for nine STRs loci included in the AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus kit (D3S1385, vWA, FGA, D8S1179, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317 and D7S820), were determined from urban and countryside population of Córdoba (Argentina). All loci meet the Hardy-Weinberg expectation, and there is little evidence for alleles association between these nine loci. The results demonstrate that these loci can be useful for databasing purposes in human identification and parentage testing in the population of Córdoba (Argentina).     

The Changing Role of the Youth Court Judge

The last century has witnessed the creation of a number of strategies regarding youth justice and the young offender. With each change in policy has come a redefinition of the role of the youth court judge. This article discusses the traditional role of the judge, the unique role of the youth court judge, and how history has and is likely to continue to define and influence this role.     

Does Power Corrupt? An Empirical Study of Power,Accountability, and Performance Triangle in Public Administration

Foundational work in public administration has considered the relationship between administrative power, accountability, and performance in public organizations. Even with the vast literature addressing power, accountability, and performance, scholars are still theorizing on how they influence one another. This study proposes and empirically tests a theoretical model of the relationships between each of these three constructs. Data are analyzed from an original survey of a national sample of US local government public administrators—city managers. Using structural equation modeling, results show that there are positive relationships between power and accountability, power and performance, and accountability and performance. The article discusses theoretical and practical implications of these findings.     

Militarism and Dual-Conflict Capacity

This research note examines how domestic institutions can moderate the relationship between domestic and interstate conflict involvement. Previous work has found that military dictatorships are more likely to become involved in either domestic or international conflicts, compared to party-based autocracies. We argue that the same institutional explanations for why military autocracies are more conflict-prone also make them less capable of successfully carrying out multiple conflicts at the same time. Analyzing interstate and domestic conflict involvement on a sample of dictatorships over the period 1947–2004, we show that military autocracies dealing with internal armed conflict are less likely than their nonmilitary counterparts to become involved in an international conflict.