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251.
252.
Carlos Manuel lvarez 《耶鲁评论》2019,107(4):236-251
253.
Carlos Martin-Rios 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2018,18(1):e1695
This theoretical paper uses a complete review of organizational control configuration (OCC) literature to illustrate the innovation, complexity and dynamics of control in knowledge-intensive organizations (KIOs). On the basis of interdisciplinary analysis of the extant literature on OCC, the paper offers a comprehensive look at the “control pathway” taken by the various KIOs. By means of this integrative review of existing theory and research, the paper argues for greater attention to KIOs' control rationales in OCC theory and research. In doing so, it offers a comprehensive conceptual framework for the study of control in KIOs and suggests a number of propositions for future research. 相似文献
254.
Carlos Ochando Claramunt & Salvador Carrasco Arroyo 《European Journal of Political Research》2000,38(6):261-284
There are two clearly differentiated parts to this work. The first consists of a review of the theoretical arguments that underlie the so–called 'resources of power hypothesis' . That theory has been used to explain the growth and development of the Welfare State in several European countries. The findings of a number of empirical works backing up that theory have also been included in this review. The intention of the second part is to check the theory against the Spanish case between 1975 and 1995. The conclusion of this work is that if, besides considering the ideological persuasion of the party controlling the government, we take into account the other relevant factors encompassed by the theory, then the 'resources of power hypothesis' is valid in explaining and interpreting the make–up and scope of the Spanish Welfare State. 相似文献
255.
Carlos Andrés Uribe 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2014,16(2):175-189
Abstract This work deepens the analysis of the “dark side” of social capital proposed by Alejandro Portes and Patricia Landlot and revisited by Peter Graeff. For this purpose, it combines the individualistic approach of economic theory with the social perspective of other social sciences to study the economics of corruption embedded in a social structure (a network of trust). It assesses the importance of social relations as a necessary condition to achieve corrupt objectives. To do so, a model of corrupt public contracts embedded in networks of trust is built. Theoretical evidence is found on the importance of networks of trust for the success of corrupt deals between officials and recipients. In addition, seeds are sown for future research and analysis of the role of institutions and monitoring agencies. Finally, the foundation is laid for research in the field of experimental economics to conduct an empirical examination of this proposed model and some policy implications are derived. 相似文献
256.
The trusts issue culminated in the passage of the Clayton Act in1914, which conventional wisdom holds was a response to theperceived ineffectiveness of the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890.Using ordered and multinomial logit analysis, we were able todetect economic interest variables that explain the senators'votes. The empirical findings strongly support the wealth transferhypothesis, and the regression results clearly show that senatorsresponded to interest groups. While we also found some support forthe ideological perspective, it is clear that there was much moreto the vote than the conventional story would suggest. 相似文献
257.
Carlos M. Grilo Daniel F. Becker Dwain C. Fehon Martha L. Walker William S. Edell Thomas H. McGlashan 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1998,27(1):29-41
Objective: To examine gender differences in demography, cooccurrence of Diagnostic Statistical Manual (third edition, revised; DSM-III-R) axis I disorders and axis II personality disorders, and self-reported psychological distress in adolescent psychiatric inpatients with alcohol use disorders. Method: A consecutive series of 61 adolescent inpatients (36 boys and 25 girls) with either alcohol abuse or dependence were reliably assessed with structured diagnostic interviews for DSM-III-R Axis I and Axis II personality disorders. Results: Boys and girls did not differ in age, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, global functioning, age at first psychiatric contact, or number of hospitalizations. Girls were more likely to meet criteria for oppositional defiant disorder, eating disorders, and additional drug use disorders. Girls were also more likely than boys to meet criteria for at least one personality disorder and borderline personality Contrary to gender patterns in the general population, the proportion of girls and boys with affective disorders and conduct disorders did not differ significantly. Conclusions: Relatively few gender differences were found in adolescent inpatient alcohol abusers even where they would be expected, based on non substance-abuse general population gender patterns. When observed, gender differences were in the direction of greater psychiatric disturbance among girls. Some of the gender patterns observed among alcohol abusing adolescents are at odds with gender differences observed in non substance-abuse samples. 相似文献
258.
This article analyses the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies committee system using rational choice theories developed originally for the US Congress. We suggest that pure versions of these theories are unable to explain Brazilian committee politics, and point out the necessity of building a specific theory that takes into account key institutional characteristics which give the Brazilian Executive considerable power to control the legislative process to assure outcomes consistent with presidential preferences. We demonstrate that committees in Brazil operate to some degree as agents of the executive. For this reason, we call it the Theory of Executive Dominance. 相似文献
259.
Long-term effects of participation in the Baltimore City drug treatment court: Results from an experimental study 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
Denise C. Gottfredson Stacy S. Najaka Brook W. Kearley Carlos M. Rocha 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2006,2(1):67-98
This study uses an experimental design comparing 235 offenders assigned either to drug treatment court or treatment as usual.
It extends prior analyses of this study sample to examine whether differences observed between drug treatment court subjects
and control subjects at one and two years after the start of the program persist after three years, when many of the subjects
had ceased active treatment. Further, it extends earlier analyses that showed that the quantity of drug treatment court services
received was related to lower recidivism rates by using an instrumental variables approach to handle the endogeneity problem
that sometimes arises when subjects self-select into different levels of service. Results show a sustained treatment effect
on recidivism, controlling for time at risk. This effect is not limited to the period during which services are delivered.
Rather, it persists even after participation in the drug court program ceases. Results also show that the recidivism is lowest
among subjects who participate at higher levels in certified drug treatment, status hearings, and drug testing. These positive
findings are tempered with findings that more than three-fourths of clients are re-arrested within three years, regardless
of participation in the drug treatment court, and that drug treatment court cases spend approximately the same number of days
incarcerated as do control cases. Implications for strengthening drug treatment courts are discussed. 相似文献
260.
Carlos Escudé 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2002,15(3):453-467
Argentina has more than twice the total debt of India whilst the latter has 28 times more population in roughly equivalent territories. According to Poder Ciudadano, a local NGO, in 1999 Argentine political parties spent 440 times more than those of Chile. These gross asymmetries help to show that Argentina's financial troubles must be attributed to her own political practices rather than to adverse circumstances or foreign scapegoats. By December 2001, overspending had manifestly destroyed the Argentine financial system. Across-the-board violations of property rights followed, through bank withdrawal restrictions and a debt default that was the biggest in world economic history. This paper analyses the breakdown of federal institutions, the atomisation of power and the erosion of governability that ensued as a consequence of the financial crisis. Mafia-style political practices, an endemic evil in the background of Argentine politics, jumped to the forefront as a consequence of this institutional breakdown. 相似文献