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281.
The body of literature that examines how institutional contexts affect environmental governance in advanced industrial countries finds that style of environmental regulation is country‐specific. In the pluralist form of democracy like the United States, environmental policy formulation involves bargaining and compromises among interest groups and regulation enforcement through relatively formal and legalistic means. In the corporatist form of democracy like Sweden and Great Britain, in contrast, environmental policies are more accommodating to divergent societal interests and tend to be less formal in their enforcement. These variations in regulatory style have been attributed to differences in basic constitutional structures, regime types and cultures. How do institutional contexts affect the style of environmental regulation in China, which is both a non‐democratic and developing country? This article examines China's regulatory style by focusing on environmental impact assessment (EIA) regulation in Shanghai. The Shanghai EIA system is analyzed in terms of policy ideology, policy content, regulatory process, public participation and policy consequences. It is shown that China's being a single‐party regime with a ‘rule of persons’ tradition has heavily shaped its environmental governance. Based on Shanghai experience, China's style can be characterized as formal in requirement, agency‐dominated in the regulatory process, legalistic in enforcement, and informal politics as the substance of regulation. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
282.
Vote-buying is a significant problem in developing democracies. If reports of vote-buying crimes are high, results may be challenged by competing candidates in electoral courts, and violent political confrontation may erupt. Also, if not prosecuted, there is danger of vote-buying becoming a common feature of electoral processes. This study assessed the magnitude and correlates of vote-buying crime reports during the 2006 elections in Mexico. It made use of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) survey on the Protection of Federal Social Programs of 2006 (ENAPP). Results showed that 8.8% of the survey respondents nationwide who were not beneficiaries of any federal social program reported to have been offered something in exchange of their vote, that is, a vote-buying crime under the legislation of Mexico. Ordinal logistic regression showed five independent correlates of vote-buying crime reports: Years of schooling, Indian language speaking, municipal marginality, population size, and PRD versus PAN governed municipalities. The paper discusses the reasons and consequences by suggesting other aspects to consider for future research.  相似文献   
283.
After passage of the 1988 Constitution of Brazil, successive democratic governments worked to build bridges between the nation’s foreign policy and its defence strategy, thus fostering a dialogue among administrations and constituencies under the aegis of the rule of law. It was under the Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff administrations that Brazil laid out a grand strategy, implementation of which was interrupted by the controversial impeachment proceedings of 2016. The argument unfolds from a consideration of Brazil’s development model and domestic politics as key structural variables in analysing the challenges faced in the conception and implementation of its grand strategy. The article is organised into two sections: (1) The sketch of a grand strategy: when Brazil’s foreign and defence policies converged; (2) An ambition frustrated? Or, the impact of Brazil’s development model and domestic politics on the conception and implementation of its grand strategy.  相似文献   
284.
The conditional cash transfer (CCT) programme Bolsa Família (Family Allowance), introduced in Brazil in 2003, is one of the largest such programmes in the world. Bolsa Família has played a role in the recent reduction of poverty and income inequality in Brazil. But what has been its impact on democracy? An assumption in the literature on social policy, derived from the European experience, is that targeted programmes such as Bolsa Família divide citizens, erode trust between citizens and between citizens and the state, and weaken democracy. This article challenges that assumption, showing that there is considerable evidence that Bolsa Família has strengthened the citizenship rights of the poor and enhanced democracy. The Brazilian experience suggests that, in highly unequal developing countries under conditions of 21st-century capitalism, the argument that targeted social programmes will inevitably undermine democracy is incorrect.  相似文献   
285.
Despite the increasing volume and significance of research on nonprofit advocacy, most studies have focused on the phenomenon only in Western countries. This article expands the scope of the literature by examining the advocacy activities of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in authoritarian China. This article focuses on three aspects of advocacy behavior: advocacy investment and use of insider and outsider tactics. Data analyses of an original nationwide survey of 267 environmental NGOs and semistructured interviews with 30 highlight how resource and institutional factors—government funding, government affiliation, foundation funding, and peer collaborations—shape NGO advocacy in China. The findings also suggest ways in which institutional actors may enhance NGOs’ capacity for policy advocacy.  相似文献   
286.
The concentrations of lead (Pb), barium (Ba), and antimony (Sb), characteristic of GSR, were determined in soil sediments and immature (larvae) of cadaveric flies of the family Calliphoridae, by inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS). This research refers to a case study from two real crime scenes in which the corpses were in an advanced state of decomposition. In case 1, the victim had holes similar to gunshot wounds, and in case 2, there was no evidence of perforations in the corpse. Soil sediment collection was performed at three different points of the terrain, at a minimum distance of 10 m from the corpse, for cases 1 and 2. In relation to the collection of immatures, larvae were collected in regions of the mouth, nose, and orifices similar to the entry of firearms projectile into the body, for case 1, and collection of larvae and pupae, located on the body and underneath it, for case 2. It was possible to detect and quantify the three elements of interest (Pb, Ba, and Sb) by ICP-MS in both sediment and cadaveric larvae. Concentrations of 4.44, 8.74, and 0.08 μg/g were obtained for Pb, Ba, and Sb, respectively, in the soil for case 1. For the case 2, the concentrations in Pb, Ba, and Sb were from 16.34 to 26.02 μg/g; from 32.64 to 57.97 μg/g and from 0.042 to 0.30 μg/g, respectively. In the larvae, Pb, Ba, and Sb were quantified in cases 1 and 2 with a concentration of 6.28 and 1.78 μg/g for Pb, 1.49 and 2.94 μg/g for Ba, 0.50 μg/g and <LD for Sb, respectively. These new results present the detection of characteristic elements of GSR in cadaveric larvae in humans in a real crime scene, besides highlighting the importance of the study of immature flies, using the ICP-MS technique in forensic analysis.  相似文献   
287.
Global processes of policy diffusion result in different types of state development. A broad view of environmentalist reform in Latin America easily reads as top-down diffusion of blueprints and institutional convergence. But such a thesis is reductionist and ultimately misleading, case studies demonstrate. First, diffusion mechanisms matter for divergence: when normative and mimetic mechanisms are relatively strong vis-à-vis coercive forces, formal state change is followed by more meaningful real state change; when the coercive mechanism rules unmatched, green state change ends up being formal for the most part. Secondly, institutional entrepreneurs face shifting opportunity structures for political change; because these opportunities are never uniform, national experiences will differ. Thirdly, national institutional environments provide contrasting domestic resources and cultures for the building of green states; legacy, in short, will condition translation by entrepreneurs. A bridging institutionalist framework helps us make sense of “converging divergence”.  相似文献   
288.
This article compares the main findings of Brazilian agricultural census data of 1996 with the same of 2006 by applying the methodology known as ‘FAO/INCRA’ (Food Agriculture Organization/Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária) which allows the characterization of family farms in relation to the total universe of farms. In this comparison several variables are shown, including the share of family farming in the total value of production, in the total number of farms, utilization of modern technology and partial factor productivity. Census data shows that family farming has changed from 37.91 percent of total production value to 36.11 percent during a decade of strong expansion of agriculture as a whole, demonstrating the economic relevance of this segment which, besides producing food, is integrated in the most important productive agricultural chains of the Brazilian agribusiness. Family farming is a heterogeneous segment, with different sub-segments. During the studied period of ten years the most rich of these sub-segments (A) has increased participation in total production, while the poorer sub-segments (C and D) have only grown in absolute terms without a corresponding increase in production.  相似文献   
289.
The World Development Report 2008 (WDR-2008) on agriculture and development has been received with much expectation and controversy. This paper welcomes some aspects of the WDR-2008 that help us reinvigorate some debates on agricultural development, so far marginalised in international development policy agendas. The paper, however, focuses on some critical problems in the report and the World Bank's stance on agriculture. First, there are tensions between advocacy and research and between the World Bank's rhetoric and operational realities. Secondly, the report suffers from the usual adherence to superficial win-win scenarios that mask conflict of interest and power relations. Thirdly, the WDR-2008 is caught in a tension between neo-populist pro-small farmer views and ‘modernist’ pro-agribusiness stances. Fourthly, the analysis of agricultural development in isolation from broader development processes and especially without a systematic analysis of industrialisation and agriculture–industry relations seriously limits the analytical and empirical value of the report.  相似文献   
290.
This paper estimates the influence of macroeconomic conditions on individual legislator voting over time. Previous work shows legislator voting to be stable over careers. In this paper, voting on an ideological issue space (ADA scores) and a fiscal issue space (NTU scores), from 1976 to 2002, exhibits significant short-term cyclicality with economic conditions. Individual legislators polarize by party in response to rising unemployment, and converge in response to rising inflation. As legislators accumulate tenure, they become more ideologically conservative but more fiscally liberal. Results are also reported on presidential party, divided government, and region. All results are weaker in the Senate than in the House.  相似文献   
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