The Mexican State and democracy: The ambiguities of corporatism

The Author thanks Arnaldo Córdova, Guillermo O'Donnell, Ray Morrow, Arturo Sáenz Ferral, Daniel Schugurensky and Arthur Vidich for their valuable comments to previous versions of this article.     

Deception and Fear in Politically Oppressive Contexts: Its Trickle-Down Effect on Families

The mystified reality, restricted options, and inherent risks of living in countries under a repressive political regime trigger survival tactics that reduce individual's reliance on social support, as well as semantic and cognitive restrictions and alternative codes, and silences that translate into symptoms. While this is the case for the average citizen, it is even more pronounced in individuals and families directly touched by the repressive apparatus. These processes are discussed and two clinical examples are provided to illustrate them.     

Direct-broadcast satellites and cultural integrity

Electronic and mass media create counterweights to established authorities. Ithiel de Sola Pool is professor of political science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. A fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, he is also a member of the following: American Political Science Association; Council on Foreign Relations; American Association for Public Opinion Research and American Sociological Association. He is the author of Satellite Generalsand editor of Handbook of Communications. [Deceased]     

Political protection and the origins of the Gulf Cartel

The history of drug trafficking in Mexico appears to be strongly influenced by specific features of the post-revolutionary authoritarian regime that has been characterized by its rampant corruption and poor levels of accountability. This is a rigorous empirical case study of state domination of the relationship with traffickers in a particular historical epoch and place. Based on research conducted through the examination of historic sources, this work explores the hypothesis that some political figures might have been colluding with members of criminal organizations, with the aim of protecting their businesses and fostering their consolidation. Such collusion has hindered the institutional functioning of key law enforcement and judicial institutions in the country. The present analysis considers these relationships in the course of three decades, the 1960s through the 1990s, and focuses on the Mexican state of Tamaulipas, where one of the most powerful and dangerous organized crime groups emerged, the so-called Gulf Cartel.     

Brokers and Key Players in the Internationalization of the FARC

The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—FARC) was originally founded to protect Colombian peasants from harsh landowner policies in exchange for food and supplies. Over time, it has evolved into an internationally connected, narco-trafficking organization that displays little concern for the peasants it once vowed to protect. In recent years, Colombian authorities have become more adept at countering the FARC, forcing it to operate increasingly outside of Colombia. The FARC's transformation from a local insurgency into an internationally connected one is the focus of this article. Using social network analysis it identifies key leaders who are tied to this transformation and discusses implications concerning the FARC's future.     

Domestic and International Satellite Regulatory Procedures: Paths to Progress or Insurmountable Obstacles?

The complex regulatory processes associated with satellite spectrum allocation and orbital resource utilization are described. In particular, the International Telecommunication Union's satellite network registration and coordination procedures are used to obtain international recognition and protection for satellite network operations, and domestic frequency allocation and licensing procedures are used to assign rights to utilize spectrum and orbital resources to individual satellite operators. Recent developments on the domestic and international level are aimed at streamlining these processes. However, more needs to be done, particularly with respect to enforcement of existing satellite network implementation requirements to ensure that current satellite regulatory procedures effectively facilitate access to spectrum and orbital resources.     

A note on intermediate imports and the BPCG model in Mexico

Numerous applications of the balance-of-payments-constrained growth (BPCG) model have concluded that Mexico’s equilibrium GDP growth rate fell after trade liberalization, because of a sharp rise in the income-elasticity of imports. Following the bounds testing approach of Pesaran et al. (2001), the present note estimates equations for intermediate and other types of imports in Mexico from 1960 to 2006. It shows that intermediate imports are significantly affected by manufactured exports, and that once the effect is controlled for, there is no significant rise in their income-elasticity—in contrast to what is observed for other types of imports. Since manufactured exports are highly intensive in imports, what the typical BPCG regression detects as an increase in the elasticity of intermediate imports may reflect a compositional effect, namely, the re-composition of GDP towards exports. Some implications for the BPCG model are briefly discussed in the conclusions.     

Vote Buying and Social Desirability Bias: Experimental Evidence from Nicaragua

Qualitative studies of vote buying find the practice to be common in many Latin American countries, but quantitative studies using surveys find little evidence of vote buying. Social desirability bias can account for this discrepancy. We employ a survey‐based list experiment to minimize the problem. After the 2008 Nicaraguan municipal elections, we asked about vote‐buying behavior by campaigns using a list experiment and the questions traditionally used by studies of vote buying on a nationally representative survey. Our list experiment estimated that 24% of registered voters in Nicaragua were offered a gift or service in exchange for votes, whereas only 2% reported the behavior when asked directly. This detected social desirability bias is nonrandom and analysis based on traditional obtrusive measures of vote buying is unreliable. We also provide systematic evidence that shows the importance of monitoring strategies by parties in determining who is targeted for vote buying.