Political institutions and debt crises

This paper shows that political institutions matter in explaining defaults on external and domestic debt obligations. We explore a large number of political and macroeconomic variables using a non-parametric technique to predict safety from default. The advantage of this technique is that it is able to identify patterns in the data that are not captured in standard probit analysis. We find that political factors matter, and do so in different ways for democratic and non-democratic regimes, and for domestic and external debt. In democracies, a parliamentary system or sufficient checks and balances almost guarantee the absence of default on external debt when economic fundamentals or liquidity are sufficiently strong. In dictatorships, high stability and tenure play a similar role for default on domestic debt.     

Negativer Kompetenzkonflikt zwischen VwGH und Unabhängigem Umweltsenat; Aufhebung des Beschlusses des VwGH

Der Anwendung der in § 40 Abs 1 UVP-G 2000 und § 5 USG vorgesehenen Beschr?nkung der Zust?ndigkeit des Unabh?ngigen Umweltsenates auf Angelegenheiten des ersten und zweiten Abschnittes des UVP-G 2000 steht kein unmittelbar anwendbares Unionsrecht entgegen. Der als Gericht iSd Art 6 Abs 1 MRK sowie Art 47 Abs 2 GRC zu qualifizierende VwGH hat seine Zust?ndigkeit in der Sache daher zu Unrecht abgelehnt, sodass der die Beschwerde zurückweisende Beschluss des VwGH vom VfGH aufzuheben war.     

Intimate partner violence among pregnant and parenting Latina adolescents

The purpose of this study was to examine the nature and extent of mutual violence among a sample of pregnant and parenting Latina adolescent females and their partners. The sample consisted of 73 Latina adolescent females between the ages of 14 and 20 who were referred to a community-based organization for case management, education, and psychosocial support for pregnant and parenting adolescents. They completed the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS-2) as part of a pretest to evaluate this intervention program. A small number (12 out of 73; 16%) reported no use of aggressive conflict tactics. Eighty-four percent (61 out of 73) of the study respondents reported using at least one form of minor psychological aggression and 62% (45 out of 73) reported using at least one form of minor physical assault over the past 6 months. Mutuality of conflict was high, especially in cases of minor assault by partner. There was no difference in severity or chronicity of conflict between those who were pregnant and those who were not. Female respondents reported that they and their partners engaged in comparable levels of sexual coercion. Discussion of the context of psychological, physical, and sexual aggression in adolescent relationships suggests alternative approaches to prevention of intimate partner violence among adolescents.     

Does Mode Matter For Modeling Political Choice? Evidence From the 2005 British Election Study

Harold D. Clarke and Marianne C. Stewart School of Economic, Political and Policy Sciences, University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, TX 75083 e-mail: hclarke{at}utdallas.edu e-mail: mstewart{at}utdallas.edu Paul Whiteley Department of Government, University of Essex, Colchester, England CO4 3SQ e-mail: whiteley{at}essex.ac.uk e-mail: sanders{at}essex.ac.uk (Corresponding author) Although political scientists have begun to investigate theproperties of Internet surveys, much remains to be learned aboutthe utility of the Internet mode for conducting major surveyresearch projects such as national election studies. This paperaddresses this topic by presenting the results of an extensivesurvey comparison experiment conducted as part of the 2005 BritishElection Study. Analyses show statistically significant, butgenerally small, differences in distributions of key explanatoryvariables in models of turnout and party choice. Estimatingmodel parameters reveals that there are few statistically significantdifferences between coefficients generated using the in-personand Internet data, and the relative explanatory power of rivalmodels is virtually identical for the two types of data. Ingeneral, the in-person and Internet data tell very similar storiesabout what matters for turnout and party preference in Britain.Determining if similar findings obtain in other countries shouldhave high priority on the research agenda for national electionstudies. Authors' note: We thank the U.K. Economics and Social ResearchCouncil (ESRC) and Gary Williams, Senior Science Manager atthe ESRC, for their generous support of, and interest in, thisproject. We also thank the editor and anonymous reviewers forhelpful comments and suggestions.     

Beyond Good and Evil: The Black–White Divide in Critical Race Theory

Derrick Bell’s work challenges the dichotomy that separates legitimate legal reasoning from “mere” fiction through hybrids that play across science fiction, Platonic dialogue, and autobiography. Despite its merits, I argue that Bell’s position reifies and strengthens, rather than deconstructs, structures of tyranny; it maintains the problematic rhetorical construction of United States race relations in terms of the black–white divide, either alienating, or leaving little or no room for other racial groups constructively to revise power and identity. In contrast, bell hooks’, Mari Matsuda’s and Robert Chang’s work, though tentatively sketched, construes current race and gender relations in terms of a chiaroscuro of power, rather than a simple dichotomy.

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Start-ups among university employees: the influence of legitimacy,human capital and social capital

Using a sample of 7,260 university employees, we investigate how legitimacy, social and human capital influence the employees’ start-up propensity. We find that scientific legitimacy, as measured by the number of recently published peer reviewed scientific articles, and conference papers accepted had no significant effect. Scientific legitimacy measured as publications in non-peer review journals even had a negative effect. Popular legitimacy showed mixed results. Measured as number of articles in popular science publications showed positive correlations and other public media appearances had a non significant effect on start-up propensity. Individuals who are older and have higher level of human capital, measured as level of education are less likely to start firms. We also found that, people with more social capital, such as contact with external product development teams are more likely to start new firms. Taken together, the findings suggest that activities spanning the university-business divide increase the start-up propensity, while within university activities had no, or negative effects on the propensity. Consequently, universities interested in encouraging their employees to start firms should focus their attention on creating spanning activities rather than improving conditions for within university tenure.