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Carolyn?McNamara?BarryEmail author Larry?J.?Nelson 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2005,34(3):245-255
Recent research has highlighted the role of culture in emerging adulthood (age between 18 and 25 years). However, most studies have examined majority cultures (e.g., China) as well as subcultures (e.g., American ethnic minorities). Thus, work on other aspects of culture such as religion is needed given the emerging evidence that it may have an impact on development. This study explored the role of religious culture in the emerging adulthood of college students. Participants were 445 undergraduates (ages 18–20 years) from institutions that were Catholic (31 males, 89 females), Mormon (48 males, 200 females), and public (21 males, 56 females). Results found religious differences in (a) the criteria young people deemed necessary for adulthood, (b) the extent to which emerging adults felt they had achieved these criteria, (c) various aspects of spirituality including practices and beliefs, and (d) the behaviors in which emerging adults engage.Portions of this study were presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Adolescence, Baltimore, Maryland, in March 2004.Assistant Professor of Psychology at Loyola College in Maryland. She received her PhD in 2001 from the University of Maryland, College Park. Her major research interests are in social-and self-development during adolescence and emerging adulthood.Assistant Professor of Marriage, Family, and Human Development in the School of Family Life at Brigham Young University. He received his PhD in 2000 from the University of Maryland, College Park. His major research interests are in social-and self-development during early childhood and emerging adulthood. 相似文献
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For all the recent discussion on the virtues and vices of public deliberation, surprisingly little attention has been given
to how deliberative procedures actually operate in different policy contexts. This article takes up this task with a specific
focus on how deliberative designs such as citizens' juries and consensus conferences interface with their participatory context.
The concept of the participatory storyline is developed to describe the competing narratives associated with a policy issue on who constitutes the public” and how “they”
should be represented and involved in the policy process. An analysis of two Australian cases reveals how existing participatory
storylines can productively or destructively influence deliberative forums. The empirical research suggests that a more productive
deliberative procedure is one that supports or “speaks to” existing narratives on what constitutes public participation. Under
these conditions key policy actors are more likely to engage in the deliberative process and endorse its outcomes. Some suggestions
are provided for how practitioners can better anticipate the way a deliberative forum might interface with its participatory
context. 相似文献
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Despite a long history of legal challenges alleging that elections conducted at-large suppress minority representation, this remains the dominant electoral system in local governments throughout the United States. Moreover, a large empirical literature remains divided over the present-day impact of at-large elections on the political success of underrepresented groups. We reconcile the competing findings in this literature by providing contingent, causal estimates of the effect of conversion from at-large to ward elections on minority officeholding, using a novel identification strategy afforded by the California Voting Rights Act of 2001. We find a dramatic positive effect of conversion in districts where Latinos constitute a sufficiently large share of the voting population, and in large and residentially segregated districts. When these conditions are not satisfied, we consistently see null estimated effects. 相似文献
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Carolyn Holbrook 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2020,66(4):560-577
Much has been written about the nature of Australian nationalism during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While post-Second World War historiography analysed the role of class in nationalist sentiment, more recent work has examined the racialised and martial aspects of Australian nationalism and imperialism. There has been less consideration of how the nature of turn-of-the-century Australian nationalism affected the Federation that was established on 1 January 1901. This article examines early debates about commemoration of the anniversary of Federation, revealing an indifference to the occasion that was common to the public and most political and civic leaders, including Prime Minister Edmund Barton. It finds that popular enthusiasm at the inauguration of the Commonwealth in January 1901 and the opening of the first parliament in May was a response to imperial pageantry and celebrity, rather than the creation of the Australian federation. The article suggests that Australians’ longstanding resistance to reform of the Federation is a legacy of their historic failure to attach to it. 相似文献