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251.
Alexander Rossell Hayes Carolyn Marie Dudek 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2020,18(2):133-150
AbstractAt the outset of the 2015 refugee crisis, Germany pursued an accepting asylum policy, potentially to mitigate its declining population. Austria, facing the same demographic challenges, closed itself to refugees. Differences in radical right-wing populism (RRP) in the two countries provide the basis for understanding their asylum policies. After the Second World War, Germany’s collective memory stigmatized far-right parties, while Austria’s did not. The radicalization spiral reproduces these differences today, allowing Austria’s Freedom Party to influence migration policy by pulling voters and mainstream parties to the right, while Germany’s RRP parties were unable to do the same before the crisis. 相似文献
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Carolyn Johns Duncan MacLellan 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2020,63(1):117-139
Education policy affects communities across Canada. Changes in demographics, enrolment patterns, and pressures on education budgets have put school closures on the political agenda in many provinces. Implementing these policies is increasingly contested and conflict-ridden. Public administrators are at the cross-hairs of implementing evidence-based policies, based on authentic stakeholder input and engagement. This article examines two cases of school closure policy implementation in Ontario to illustrate the tension between these two important dimensions of public administration and challenges that must be overcome in this and other policy areas where evidence and engagement are increasingly important. 相似文献
254.
Policy Sciences - Listening is an important feature of policy making and democratic politics. Yet in an era of increased polarisation the willingness and capacity of citizens to listen to each... 相似文献
255.
Carolyn Abbot 《Journal of law and society》2012,39(3):329-358
Designing a system of regulation that will deliver defined policy objectives is not easy. This is particularly so when regulating new technologies, where challenges relating to uncertainty and risk, resource asymmetry, and regulatory disconnection are especially significant. By adopting a pluralistic, decentred approach to regulation that utilizes a range of soft‐law regulatory techniques, non‐state actors can contribute in a variety of ways to these special challenges. However, using non‐state resources in this way (either formally or informally) is not a panacea. Public trust and confidence in the regulation of risk is crucial in ensuring the viability of the control framework. Yet, it is difficult to maintain, not least because regulatory pluralism often envisages state and industry cooperation. Nevertheless, the involvement of non‐state actors, including industry, is important if the regulatory framework is not to hamper technological development or expose the public to unacceptable risks. 相似文献
256.
Daro D McCurdy K Falconnier L Winje C Anisfeld E Katzev A Keim A LeCroy CW McGuigan W Nelson C 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2007,34(1-2):181-204
Guided by an integrated theory of parent participation, this study examines the role community characteristics play in influencing a parent's decision to use voluntary child abuse prevention programs. Multiple regression techniques were used to determine if different community characteristics, such as neighborhood distress and the community's ratio of caregivers to those in need of care, predict service utilization levels in a widely available home visiting program. Our findings suggest that certain community characteristics are significant predictors of the extent to which families utilize voluntary family supports over and above the proportion of variance explained by personal characteristics and program experiences. Contrary to our initial assumptions, however, new parents living in the most disorganized communities received more home visits than program participants living in more organized communities. The article concludes with recommendations on how community capacity building might be used to improve participant retention. 相似文献
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In recent years, scholars have pointed to the politically demobilizing effects of means-tested assistance programs on recipients. In this study, we bridge the insights from policy feedback literature and adolescent political socialization research to examine how receiving means-tested programs shapes parent influence on adolescent political participation. We argue that there are differences in pathways to political participation through parent political socialization and youth internal efficacy beliefs for adolescents from households that do or do not receive means-tested assistance. Using data from a nationally representative sample of 536 Black, Latino, and White adolescents (50.8% female), we find that adolescents from means-tested assistance households report less parent political socialization and political participation. For all youth, parent political socialization predicts adolescent political participation. Internal political efficacy is a stronger predictor of political participation for youth from a non-means-tested assistance household than it is for youth from a household receiving means-tested assistance. These findings provide some evidence of differential paths to youth political participation via exposure to means-tested programs. 相似文献
260.
This study uses detailed quantitative analyses of the completehistory of rulings made by the Panels and the Appellate Bodyof the WTO Dispute Settlement Mechanism during its first tenyears of operation, to assess the robustness of theories regardingthe decision-making of these institutions. Regression analysesare used to test for correlation between the success of Complainantsin dispute settlement and a variety of factors, representingthe hypothesized capacity of states to influence Panels andthe Appellate Body through dimensions of political and economicpower, the impact of the relative practical capacities of statesin dispute settlement proceedings, and the formation of coalitionsof states in support of a particular Complainant or Respondent.The results of the regression analyses that few significantcorrelations exist between the independent variables and thedispute outcomes provide evidence that the judicialinstitutions of the Dispute Settlement Mechanism are independentfrom Member State influence. The one reliable correlation foundin these analyses demonstrates that a Complainant state doeshave substantial advantage in Panel proceedings if it has previouslyparticipated in more disputes than the Respondent. 相似文献