Political party formation by former armed opposition groups after civil war

ABSTRACT

Under what conditions are rebel groups successfully incorporated into democratic politics when civil war ends? Using an original cross-national, longitudinal dataset, we examine political party formation by armed opposition groups over a 20-year period, from 1990 to 2009. We find that former armed opposition groups form parties in more than half of our observations. A rebel group’s pre-war political experience, characteristics of the war and how it ended outweigh factors such as the country’s political and economic traits and history. We advance a theoretical framework based on rebel leaders’ expectations of success in post-war politics, and we argue that high rates of party formation by former armed opposition groups are likely a reflection of democratic weakness rather than democratic robustness in countries emerging from conflict.     

“Juvenile Drug Courts and Recidivism: Results from a Multisite Outcome Study”

This study reports findings from a study of nine juvenile drug courts (JDCs) from across the US. A quasi-experimental design, with one-to-one matching on possible confounders and sociodemographics, was used for the outcome assessment (n?=?1372). Baseline and outcome data were drawn from justice system records. Although there is variation across sites and, to some extent, outcomes, these JDCs were generally ineffective in reducing recidivism. Similar findings have emerged in other recent studies of JDCs. Given the results of this study and others, it is essential that juvenile courts work to improve the effectiveness of JDCs by increasing adherence to known principles of effective intervention.     

Evaluating the Effectiveness of a Juvenile Drug Court: Comparisons to Traditional Probation

Juvenile Drug Courts have been in operation in the United States for over 20 years, yet their effectiveness and design have been challenged throughout the literature. Using data collected from a Juvenile Drug Court (JDC) in Southeast Texas, this project sought to determine if the JDC intervention reduced recidivism compared to a comparison sample of juvenile offenders. Results indicate that the recidivism rates of participants in the JDC were lower than the comparison group, suggesting that the Drug Court intervention was successful. The program completion rates for JDC youths were also higher for those with fewer infractions. Although the JDC youths had statistically lower infractions, the intervention overall appears to need strengthening. A close inspection of program components could document which programmatic skills are tied to efficacy, leading to the achievement of better outcomes.     

Nicholas R. Lardy,ed., The State Strikes Back: The End of Economic Reform in China

Journal of Chinese Political Science -     

“Going to Law”: Reflections on Law,Religion, and Mitra Sharafi's Law and Identity in Colonial South Asia

This essay explores religion's need for law, comparing the story told in Mitra Sharafi's Law and Identity in Colonial South Asia (2014)—about the virtual hijacking of British colonial law to serve the communal religious needs of Parsis in colonial India—to other contexts in which secular and religious legal systems have built symbiotic relationships, including in the United States and Thailand. It concludes by urging a reweaving of religious and legal histories after the critique of secularism and its shadows, separationism, and antinomianism.     

Medical alert: sexual harassment in the health care industry

Sexual harassment is an illegal form of sexual discrimination prohibited by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Although the U. S. Supreme Court has recognized that sexual harassment is illegal conduct for which an employer is liable, this transgression continues to be a major workplace problem. Although some researchers have analyzed the incident level of sexual harassment in general, little work has been conducted on particular industries.

The research described in this article is the summary of the results of a study of sexual harassment in the health care industry. A written survey was sent to 950 randomly selected members of the Kentucky Board of Nursing. Thirty-five percent of the 441 respondents to the survey indicated they had been sexually harassed in their capacity as nurses. More than 77 percent of those occurrences involved physicians as the harassers. When harassed, 51 percent of the respondents were aged 25 to 35; 25 percent, 25 or younger; 20 percent, 36 to 45; and 4 percent were 46 to 55. Fifty-three percent said they were harassed by supervisors; 32 percent said they were harassed by patients.

The survey showed that 23 percent of those harassed felt threatened in their job status if they did not go along with harassing behavior, and 24 percent reported the incidents. Only 23 percent of the nurses indicated that their employers had policies and procedures in place to address sexual harassment. Further, of the respondents that reported being sexually harassed, only 23 percent of these victims reported the incidents.

Sexual harassment complaints in the health care industry must be taken seriously. Health care institutions must adopt appropriate policies and procedures to address sexual harassment. The written policy statement on sexual harassment should show strong support from top management, specify the types of behavior perceived as sexual harassment, and be widely disseminated. Training should be provided to all staff, and effective enforcement mechanisms should be implemented.     

Halfway Homeowners: Eviction and Forced Relocation in a Florida Manufactured Home Park

The last four decades of US housing policy have seen a shift from the federal allocation of affordable housing as a public good to the neoliberal model of private and for‐profit provision of affordable housing. This shift warrants a study of the link between the interests that now shape low‐income housing markets and the stability of the housing they provide. Nowhere are the effects of this shift more evident than in the homes of the 20 million Americans living in manufactured housing, which is installed largely on the private lands of for‐profit developers who can close mobile home parks and force residents to move themselves and their homes with as little as 30 days' notice. This ethnography of mass eviction in a Florida mobile home park examines state regulations intended to protect residents of closing parks and analyzes how private interests shape the implementation of these policies.