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91.
Due to their widespread use in domestic and commercial premises, polyurethane foams, as either fragmented or bulk foam, are types of evidence commonly found at crime scenes. The traditional approach to determining the evidential value of polyurethane foam (PF) involves comparing recovered and control fragments under low and high magnification, under various lighting conditions, as well as the comparison of their respective dye spectra. As with most forms of trace evidence, chemical comparison is also desirable. In this work, two approaches to chemically comparing foam fragments were investigated, i.e. inductively coupled plasma–optical emission spectrometry (ICP–OES) analysis of the Tin (Sn) content in different foam types; and gas chromatography–flame ionization detection (GC–FID) analysis of soluble components in PFs mobilized by dichloromethane. Seven different foam types were studied and their Sn content was found to be different. They also produced characteristic GC–FID chromatographic profiles whose compounds were identified with gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC–MS) analysis. This study suggests that incorporating chemical data obtained from GC–FID/GC–MS and ICP–OES into a case involving PF could be advantageous, as this will enable the forensic scientist to broaden the comparison between control and recovered fragments, and further assess the strength of the evidence. However, ICP–OES analysis is a destructive technique with a relatively short sample turnaround time, whilst GC–FID analysis is more time-consuming and non-destructive, requiring corroboration with GC–MS data. The values of these two analytical techniques in the forensic chemical characterization of PFs are discussed.  相似文献   
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Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.  相似文献   
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A divide has opened up between offensive and defensive realism as to the relative scarcity of security in the international system, with powerful implications for the vision each approach offers about the nature of international politics. Yet we still do not understand why the two diverge given their common neorealist foundations. This article reviews implicit, explicit, and other potential explanations of that difference—the relationship between power and security, the offense-defense balance, the prevalence and efficiency of balancing vs. bandwagoning, and the role played by uncertainty in decision-making—and finds them lacking in their ability to provide an adequate account that is systemic and structural in nature, does not violate arguments the scholars have made in practice, and does not confuse cause with effect. Finding prior efforts lacking, this article proposes that the distinction could be logically rooted in material scarcity, a familiar theme in realism historically that has been ignored in more recent formulations. Drawing a distinction between a “dangerous world” in which uncertainty is the core problem and a “competitive world” in which scarcity bedevils state relations helps explain where offensive and defensive realism both diverge and converge.  相似文献   
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Borate-containing compounds were formerly used as topical antiseptics and were components of many medicinal preparations including skin powders and ointments used for the treatment of burns and diaper rash. These compounds were also used as irrigants for body cavities, including the pleural, vaginal, and rectal cavities. These applications were subsequently discontinued by the medical community when the toxicity and potential lethality of borates were recognized. Although documented cases of borate poisoning are now rare, the chemical is still an active component commonly used in high concentrations in household disinfectants/cleaners, pesticides, and wood preservatives. While the majority of documented borate-related deaths have occurred in infants, the toddler population is currently at risk due to possible exposure to these household products. We present the case of an 18-month-old child who died following the accidental ingestion of a boric acid-containing, commercially available roach pesticide product.  相似文献   
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The consequences of restricting or not restricting the rightto freedom of assembly are potentially magnified in transitionalsocieties. Yet determining whether such consequences are indeed‘harmful’, and whether their cost should be bornedespite the harms caused, requires the elaboration of criteriawhich define what are valid and relevant harms. While a humanrights framework can perform this task, open-textured rightsstandards prescribe neither the threshold of legal interventionnor the goals of transition. By extension, the rule of law—underpinnedby this rights discourse—is silent about whether liberalor communitarian ideals should inform the reconstruction ofpublic space in conflicted or nascent democracies. Illustratedby analysis of legal interventions in parade disputes in NorthernIreland, this article argues that the rule of law is necessarilyorientated by ethical consensus about its scope. Furthermore,this consensus operates as a restraint upon the degree of normativediscontinuity permitted during transitional compromises. Thearticle frames the ethical options in terms of three liberty-limitingprinciples—the argument from democracy, the argument fortoleration, and the argument for recognition. Each suggestsdifferent parameters for the transitional project and for therole of law within it.  相似文献   
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