Popular Mobilizations in Lebanon: From Anti-System to Sectarian Claims

In Lebanon, the Arab uprising is often analyzed through the lens of the side effects the Syrian uprising had on the country thanks to the massive refugee influx and involvement of Sunni and Shia Lebanese in Syria’s battleground. In fact, popular mobilizations happened prior to and during the current crisis as two different types of effects of the Arab uprisings at large. First, in late 2010 emerged an anti-sectarian movement that brought up an anti-system claim in line with other Arab social movements targeting authoritarian regimes and corruption. Second, the Sunni radical mobilization that started in Saida in 2011 around the popular Imam Sheikh Assir gathered resentments toward the Shia leading party Hizbullah as involved alongside the Syrian regime and, surprisingly, adopting an active minority mobilization strategy. Both movements conducted demonstrations of different types (from classic marches to on-road sit-ins) starting from a completely opposite perspective and in a very different environment: when the anti-sectarian mobilization faded, the sectarian one rose. This article will try to address the historical process of both mobilizations and assess their differences in light of several mobilization theories. It intends to raise questions about the types of actors involved, their discourses and justifications, and the contextual local and political environments.     

后工业社会福利国家的压力增加了还是减少了？

尽管对现代福利国家的比较研究已使我们获得了对福利国家如何应对由内因和外因带来的压力拥有了丰富的认识，但对后工业社会这些压力的性质和潜在的含义还不甚明了。在研究的文献中，学者们探讨了诸多对福利国家产生压力的各种社会现象，诸如：全球化、欧洲化、人口的统计规律、个体化和变迁中的劳动力。全球化和欧洲一体化作为外在压力，其对福利国家的影响尚有待证明，而人口老龄化、劳动人口的相对下降、工作年限的缩短、多样化的家庭和个人生活方式等内生压力对福利国家造成的影响要重要得多。压力在后工业社会并不是像大家通常所认为的那样被福利国家消解了或重构了，相反，对福利国家而言，真实情况是压力更多了而不是减少了。     

Span of Control and Public Organizations: Implementing Luther Gulick's Research Design

In Luther Gulick's classic essay "Notes on the Theory of Organization," he argued that span of control structures relationships between leaders and subordinates in organizations. Commenting on the state of knowledge about span of control, Gulick lamented the lack of systematic research on what he viewed as three key determinants of span of control: diversification of function, time, and space. This study adopts Gulick's approach to studying span of control by examining the effects of diversity of function, time, and space in structuring relationships among personnel in a sample of 678 Texas public school districts. We then investigate Joan Woodward's link between span of control and organizational performance. Our results reveal that although Gulick was correct in asserting that diversity of function, time, and space play a role in determining how spans of control are structured, these variables have different meanings that depend on the level of organizational hierarchy analyzed.     

Domestic Violence, Character, And Social Change In The Welfare Reform Debate

This article addresses the recently discovered connection between domestic violence and welfare dependency." Empirical research among welfare populations shows that over 50% of women receiving welfare are or have recently been battered, and that partner abuse is a major reason for the continuing poverty of many women.
The question the author asks and begins to answer is why this connection has not previously been identified or publicized by either the battered women's movement or the anti‐poverty movement, and what the challenge may be to both movements as they attempt to address it in the context of welfare reform. The author argues that the connection has not been previously addressed because of the somewhat conflicting ideologies underlying both movements. The battered women's movement is defined in part by its strong moral denunciation of male abusers and assertion of the victimization of women by men. The anti‐poverty movement is reluctant to demonize half of the poor population, particularly in light of the conservative welfare reformers' emphasis on "character" as the main cause of poverty. The article argues that we must – and can – find a way to synthesize the feminist emphasis on interpersonal justice and morality with the anti‐poverty movement's recognition of the larger social causes of poverty. The perspectives of both movements must be enlarged to recognize the multiple layers of victimization which poor women and men endure; and both movements will be revitalized by this cross‐fertilization.     

Gender Differences in Agency Head Salaries: The Case of Public Educaton

This study demonstrates a quantitative approach to assessing gender discrimination in public salaries at the individual level. Using data from more than 1,000 school districts in Texas over a period of four years, the results show that gender differences in superintendents' salaries are subtle rather than systematic. Female superintendents who replace male superintendents receive lower compensation. Local district wealth also interacts with gender to affect salaries.     

The Fight: Symbolic Expression and Validation of Masculinity in Working Class Tavern Culture

This study examines the role that masculinity plays in men’s decisions to participate in bar fights. The data were obtained via semi-structured interviews with adult, White males in Louisiana who had a history of fighting. We argue that specific elements of fighting events represent symbolic attempts at attaining and maintaining honor and status, which many men in working class culture equate with masculine identity. While winning fights was seen as important, participants suggest that willingness to fight in the right circumstances builds character, develops an honorable reputation, and prevents negative labels. We further argue that pursuit of symbolic masculinity is important to working class men, who possess fewer alternative avenues for achieving status than do those from higher social ranks.     

Interest representation in Germany

The German public affairs sector has experienced considerable growth and noticeable changes since the millennium including the shift of the government seat from Bonn to Berlin. For a long time, public affairs was characterised by an effectively tripartite system composed of an interplay among state, economy and trade unions. Nowadays, observers recognise the emergence of a multitude of new players in this field and a fundamental change to a highly fragmented and extensive public affairs landscape. This development brought new challenges to the profession of interest representation. ‘Lobbying’ has become a highly discussed topic in the public debate carrying a rather negative connotation. Do we notice an increasing lack of transparency due to a multitude of players? How can we win back trust? First, this paper describes the need for interest representation and the necessity of defining political conditions for the public affairs sector within Germany. Second, the paper focuses on the development of the profession and addresses issues relating to the changes that have taken place in the course of time. Lastly, this article concludes with an evaluation of how public affairs and politics cope with the rising external and internal pressures in order to address current challenges and provide an outlook for future directions. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The nexus between vulnerabilities and violence in the Caribbean*

Abstract

This article analyses the nexus between the Caribbean’s manifold vulnerabilities and the direct and structural violence evident throughout the region’s history. It argues that Caribbean states are threatened not only by direct violence but also by the structural violence permeating in impoverished and marginalised sectors of the state–society complex. Both forms of violence are attributable to the historical legacy of colonisation, to US paternalism and hegemonic dominance in the post-colonial era, and to the persistence of the coloniality of power, even after Caribbean states won their independence from European imperial powers. Today, the region is, per capita, one of the most violent areas on the globe. Evidence of concatenated violence is growing across this region, demonstrating the difficulty small underdeveloped states have in addressing threats to their security, independence, economic viability, and continued existence in the intermestic environment within which they operate.