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From 1.4. -30.10.1982 all heroin samples weighing more than 5 g seized in the States of Baden-Württemberg, Hesse and by the Bundeskriminalamt were analyzed by capillary gas chromatography during a pilot project. For comparison of samples ratios of concentrations of heroin (including its decomposition products 0(6)-acetylmorphine and morphine) and its natural by-products of synthesis acetylcodeine, papaverine, and narcotine (noscapine) were determined. The application of these parameters and further qualitative and quantitative criteria for heroin comparison for investigative and legal purposes are discussed.  相似文献   
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States have captured the imagination of international legal scholars, to the extent that for a variety of non-state actors (NSAs), statehood may appear to be the ultimate prize. This contribution sheds some light on how the epistemic community has come to venerate the state as the structural embodiment of politico-legal order, as ‘the hero’ in international law narratives and how, nevertheless, NSAs have been allowed to carve out a space for themselves. It is argued that in spite of NSAs’ gradual emancipation, to this very day, the presence of the state continues to loom large in discussions on international legal subjectivity.

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This article examines the contested process of law‐making related to the killing of women which resulted in the criminalization of feminicide (feminicidio) and femicide (femicidio) in Mexico and Nicaragua, two countries in which feminists engaged in legal activism to increase state accountability for gendered violence. Through comparative analysis, we demonstrate the importance of (1) the interaction between shifting local political conditions and supranational opportunities and (2) the position of feminist actors vis‐à‐vis the state and its gender regime in shaping regional variation in the making of laws concerning gendered violence. In Mexico, the criminalization of feminicidio resulted from a successful naming and shaming campaign by local feminist actors linked to litigation in various supranational arenas, and the intervention of feminist federal legislators. In Nicaragua, the codification of femicidio resulted from the state's selective responsiveness to feminist demands in a moment of narrow political opportunity within an otherwise highly consolidated regime. We also examine the unmaking of these laws through their perversion in practice (Mexico) and their intentional undermining (Nicaragua) at the hands of the state. Our analysis demonstrates how states' decisions to enact legislation against gendered violence does not occur solely because they are invested in international legitimacy, but also in response to states' shifting acceptance of the legitimacy of supranational authority itself.  相似文献   
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Despite growing indications and fears about the impact of cybercrime, only few academic studies have so far been published on the topic to complement those published by consultancy firms, cybersecurity companies and private institutes. The review of all these studies shows that there is no consensus on how to define and measure cybercrime or its impact. Against this background, this article pursues two aims: 1) to develop a thorough conceptual framework to define and operationalize cybercrime affecting businesses as well as its impact, harms, and costs; and 2) to test this conceptual framework with a survey of businesses based in Belgium, which was administered in summer 2016 and elicited 310 valid responses. Consisting of five types, our conceptualization of cybercrime is, unlike others, technology-neutral and fully compatible with the legislation. Drawing on Greenfield and Paoli’s Harm Assessment Framework (The British Journal of Criminology, 53, 864–885, 2013), we understand impact as the overall harm of cybercrime, that is, the “sum” of the harms to material support, or costs, and the harms to other interest dimensions i.e., functional (or operational) integrity, reputation and privacy. Whereas we ask respondents to provide a monetary estimate of the costs, respondents are invited to rate the severity of the harms on the basis of an ordinal scale. We claim that this “double track” gives a fuller, more valid assessment of cybercrime impact. Whereas most affected businesses do not report major costs or harm, 15% to 20% of them rate the harms to their internal operational activities as serious or more, with cyber extortion regarded as most harmful.  相似文献   
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