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71.
Sexual minority youth (youth who are attracted to the same sex or endorse a gay/lesbian/bisexual identity) report significantly higher rates of depression and suicidality than heterosexual youth. The minority stress hypothesis contends that the stigma and discrimination experienced by sexual minority youth create a hostile social environment that can lead to chronic stress and mental health problems. The present study used longitudinal mediation models to directly test sexual minority-specific victimization as a potential explanatory mechanism of the mental health disparities of sexual minority youth. One hundred ninety-seven adolescents (14–19 years old; 70 % female; 29 % sexual minority) completed measures of sexual minority-specific victimization, depressive symptoms, and suicidality at two time points 6 months apart. Compared to heterosexual youth, sexual minority youth reported higher levels of sexual minority-specific victimization, depressive symptoms, and suicidality. Sexual minority-specific victimization significantly mediated the effect of sexual minority status on depressive symptoms and suicidality. The results support the minority stress hypothesis that targeted harassment and victimization are partly responsible for the higher levels of depressive symptoms and suicidality found in sexual minority youth. This research lends support to public policy initiatives that reduce bullying and hate crimes because reducing victimization can have a significant impact on the health and well-being of sexual minority youth.  相似文献   
72.
Sexual minority youth report higher rates of depression and suicidality than do heterosexual youth. Little is known, however, about whether these disparities continue as youth transition into young adulthood. The primary goals of this study were to describe and compare trajectories of adolescent depressive symptoms and suicidality among sexual minority and heterosexual youth, examine differences in depressive symptoms and suicidality trajectories across sexual orientation subgroups, and determine whether there are gender differences in these longitudinal disparities. Four waves of data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health were analyzed using latent curve modeling (N = 12,379; 53 % female). Results showed that the rates of depressive symptoms and suicidality in early adolescence were higher among sexual minority youth than among heterosexual youth, and that these disparities persisted over time as participants transitioned into young adulthood. Consistent with previous cross-sectional studies, the observed longitudinal disparities were largest for females and for bisexually-identified youth. Sexual minority youth may benefit from childhood and early adolescent prevention and intervention programs.  相似文献   
73.
Numerous studies have focused on determining whether objective statistical methods can be used to discriminate between known matches and nonmatches when comparing laboratory prepared toolmarks. This study involved an analysis of striated toolmarks made as a function of varying vertical and horizontal angles of attack. Comparisons based on experimental data show that replicate toolmarks from the same tool show high correlation values at identical vertical and horizontal angles, with the correlation decreasing as the angular difference increases, especially for horizontal angular changes. Comparisons between nonmatching samples produce low correlation values that remain unchanged as horizontal angular differences increase. While complete statistical separation was not achieved between matching and nonmatching samples, there is evidence demonstrating that toolmarks can be identified if the variation in horizontal angle is within 10°. The experiment shows that computer‐aided comparison techniques could be viable for identification with the proper statistical algorithm.  相似文献   
74.
The article argues for a conception of the justification of punishment that is compatible with a modern, politically liberal regime. Section I deals with what some have thought are the obvious social interests society has in punishing criminals, and tries to develop those possible interests somewhat sympathetically. Section II suggests that many of those reasons are not good ones if punishment is regarded (as it should be) from the perspective of political philosophy. Social responses to bad things happening to people cannot be grounded in controversial metaphysical views about what is good for people or what people deserve, but many reasons proffered for punishment are in fact grounded in such views. This constraint, accordingly, limits what individuals can expect in terms of a societal response to crime. Section III develops the appropriate reasons for punishment in a modern, liberal regime. Here the article relies on a—largely undefended—conception of public reason as the most plausible theory of what reasons for punishment are available to liberals. Section IV offers some closing thoughts on why people might adopt a politically liberal view about punishment as their own, personal view about how they should relate to others.  相似文献   
75.
Nonphysical abuse of women is receiving increased attention, but research with clinical samples of batterers has not substantially addressed the risk markers of nonphysical abuse. A multisite sample of batterer program participants (n = 840) with a longitudinal 15-month follow-up was used to identify risk markers. Logistic regressions were computed with batterer characteristics for 4 categories of nonphysical abuse (i.e., control, verbal, threats, combined) reported by the batterer's female partners during the follow-up. The only substantial and consistent risk markers were nonphysical and physical abuse prior to program intake and program dropout. The programs appear to help reduce the abuse. Other significant risk markers varied across the categories of nonphysical abuse, suggesting that the categories do not form a continuum or hierarchy of abuse. Recurrent abuse, moreover, continues to be more difficult to predict in clinical samples than in the general population.  相似文献   
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77.
Susan Okin criticizes John Rawls’s ‘political liberalism’ because it does not apply principles of justice directly to gender relations within households. We explain how one can be a ‘political liberal feminist’ by distinguishing between two kinds of justice: the first we call ‘legitimacy justice’, conceptions of which apply to the ‘legally coercive structure’ of society; the second we call ‘ethos justice’, conceptions of which apply to citizens’ ‘non-coercive’ relations. We agree with Okin that a society in which most persons act in accordance with ‘gender equal’ ethos justice is morally superior to one in which most persons do not. A shared commitment to a particular conception of ethos justice, however, cannot be required by a conception of legitimacy justice. A political liberal feminist is committed to promoting gender equality with respect to both legitimacy justice and ethos justice, but recognizes that different means are necessary to do so.  相似文献   
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