美国新任商务部长骆家辉

2009年2月25日,美籍华人骆家辉(Gary Faye Locke)被奥巴马任命为商务部部长,成为新一届政府14位内阁部长中的第二位华裔部长。尽管此前奥巴马提名商务部长两度受挫,但选择前华盛顿州州长骆家辉仍为奥巴马赢得不少分数。白手起家、靠实干获取信任的骆家辉不仅符合新总统的执政理念与风格,更符合美国面临的国内外新环境。骆家辉的成功代表着华裔参政的成功,能赢得这份殊荣不仅是他个人努力的结果,更与美国社会包容、中国崛起等因素息息相关。     

Putting the Cart before the Horse: Accountability or Performance?

Conventional wisdom argues that a good set of performance measures builds accountability and that improved accountability generates better productivity in the organisation. By way of an analysis of a case study in one inland Chinese county, this article shows that the assumed relationship between performance and accountability is more rhetoric than real. In practice, the implementation of performance measurement in local China leads to an accountability paradox, in which enhanced accountability tends to hinder the improvement of government productivity. The implementation of the Chinese target-based responsibility system risks boosting the short term accountability of public employees while undermining the long term productivity of government agencies. With the deepening of China's market-oriented reform, this choice appears to put the cart before the horse.     

Antecedents of Chinese Parents’ Autonomy Support and Psychological Control: The Interplay Between Parents’ Self-Development Socialization Goals and Adolescents’ School Performance

Despite ample evidence for the benefits of parental autonomy support and the harms of parental psychological control to Chinese adolescents’ well-being, little is known about what foreshadows these parenting behaviors among Chinese parents. The current research addressed this gap in the literature. It tested the hypothesis that parents’ endorsement of self-development socialization goals (i.e., regarding a positive sense of self in terms of holding optimistic attitudes toward oneself, feeling autonomous in one’s actions, and establishing one’s independence from others, as important for adolescents to develop) and adolescents’ school performance may interact to predict parental autonomy support and psychological control in urban China. Three hundred and forty-one Chinese seventh graders (mean age?=?13.30?years, 58?% female) and their parents (186 mothers and 155 fathers) participated. Parents reported on their own and their spouses’ endorsement of self-development socialization goals; adolescents reported on parental autonomy support and psychological control; and adolescents’ grades were obtained from school records. Significant interactions were found between parents’ socialization goals and adolescents’ grades in predicting parenting behaviors. When adolescents were doing well at school, the stronger parents’ endorsement of self-development socialization goals, the greater their autonomy support and the lesser their psychological control; when adolescents were doing poorly at school, regardless of parents’ socialization goals, their autonomy support was relatively low and their psychological control was relatively high. These findings highlight a tension between parental concerns over adolescents’ self-development and academic success, which needs to be resolved to promote autonomy support and prevent psychological control among urban Chinese parents.     

The determination of tetraalkyl lead compounds in petrol using combined gas chromatography-atomic absorption spectrometry

The use of a gas chromatograph equipped with an atomic absorption spectrophotometer as a detector is described for the determination of tetraalkyl lead compounds in petrol. Generally, a significant variation in the ratios of the tetraalkyl lead species was observed in the samples studied, but in samples of petrol from service stations that had obtained their supplies from only one refinery, a small variation in the ratios was found.     

Book review

Andrew Linklater and the New Rhetoric in International Relations

Andrew Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998), 263 pp.     

Democratization in turmoil? Elections in Hong Kong

The first SAR Chief Executive, Tung Chee‐hwa, in his speech at the SAR Establishment Ceremony, said: ‘Democracy is the hallmark of a new era for Hong Kong. The SAR Government will resolutely move forward to a more democratic form of government in accordance with the provisions in the Basic Law’. Butler, Penniman and Ranney, however, cautioned that ‘the critical difference between democratic and nondemocratic regimes is to be found in whether or not they hold elections, and if they do, what kind’. Indeed, electoral changes made to the 1998 LegCo elections are found to be anti‐democratic and retrogressive, as well as unnecessary. The authors conclude that electoral systems matter because they are one of the central mechanisms in modern democracies to give substance and content to democratic governance. If electoral systems are designed in such a manner that they obstruct the exercise of popular sovereignty, ride rough‐shod over the principle of political equality, undermine the extent of representation, complicate relationships of accountability as well as delimit opportunities for participation, then such systems should have little place in genuine democratic reform. To bring Hong Kong's democratization forward, a hard look at the electoral system, which should be more informed by the principles and practices of democracy will be mandatory.     

An epidemiological study on alcohol/drugs related fatal traffic crash cases of deceased drivers in Hong Kong between 1996 and 2000

This study is designed to evaluate the correlation between fatal vehicle crashes (FVC) and consumption of alcohol and/or drugs among drivers. Between 1996 and 2000 in Hong Kong, a total of 197 FVC cases of deceased drivers were investigated. The blood and/or urine samples of the victims were examined for the presence of alcohol and drugs. The 197 cases were then classified into two groups: single-vehicle crashes (SVC) and multiple-vehicle crashes (MVC). Out of the 106 cases for the latter group, alcohol and/or drugs were detected in 22 cases (21%) while the remaining 84 cases (79%) were regarded as no significant finding. As for the 91 cases in SVC group, 51 cases (56%) were positive for alcohol and/or drugs. The findings indicate that a driver consuming alcohol and/or drugs has a higher risk of being involved in a FVC. The most frequently detected drugs for SVC group (11 cases) were: 46% central nervous system (CNS) stimulants (including designer drugs like MDMA); 36% cannabis; 18% benzodiazepines and 9% ketamine. The detected drug for the only case in the MVC group was a CNS stimulant. The number of cases with ketamine, methamphetamine and MDMA detected has increased in recent years as these party drugs have gained popularity in Hong Kong.     

Impurity profiling of ecstasy tablets seized in Hong Kong by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry

In Hong Kong, ecstasy tablets are more commonly known as "Fing Tau Yuen", literally meaning "Shake Head Pills". The tablets contain mainly amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) including 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA), 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), methamphetamine (MA) and/or ketamine. Adulterant such as caffeine was also detected in the tablets. This paper reports a study on the impurity profiles of ecstasy tablets from 89 seizures in Hong Kong from 2002 to early 2004. Tablet samples were extracted by diethyl ether under alkaline condition and then analyzed by gas GC-MS. The chromatograms obtained were compared. A total of 19 identified impurities were selected as markers for impurity profiling. They are different precursors, intermediates and by-products. The data matrices were examined by hierarchical cluster analysis (HCA), and then the ecstasy tablets were classified into different groups. Cluster analysis of ecstasy tablets is shown to be capable of providing intelligence on clandestine laboratory networks.     

Conductive Activism: Anti-Sweatshop Campaigns across Hong Kong and Mainland China

This study looks at trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and the transformation of cross-border activism between Hong Kong and mainland China. Examining two cases, it demonstrates the mechanism and processes of trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and networks involving non-governmental agencies, student groups and workers. The study suggests that anti-sweatshop activism has been conductive and transferrable from Hong Kong to China in a way that has mobilised local civil society power, cultivated mainland activists and nurtured localised pro-labour activism. With Hong Kong activists acting as movement conveyers and mainland activists acting as adapters, anti-sweatshop activism has evolved. Once centred on marketplaces and consumers, it is now centred on production sites, and has moved domestic actors (including workers, students, scholars, media and consumers) from the margins to the centre. Anti-sweatshop activism has moulded itself to local contexts by rebuilding its strategies and tactics while coalescing with overseas networks to integrate strengths across the Hong Kong-Chinese border. Although the anti-sweatshop movement in China has its weaknesses, its evolution has the potential to gradually alter the power asymmetries between domestic and overseas activists.