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Despite some understanding of general correlates and possible antecedents to intimate partner violence (IPV) within the Christian
community, the impact of religious and spiritual factors tends to be confounded by other factors and is often misjudged. Archival
data from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) were used to examine the impact of
nine religious and spiritual factors on the probability of IPV perpetration by males, aged 18 to 26, who nominally classified
themselves as Catholic, Protestant, or Christian. Logistic regression results indicated that IPV perpetration could not be
adequately predicted from the religious and spiritual factors. Given the geographic breadth and the size of the Add Health
sample, no finding of a predictive model for Christian male-perpetrated IPV challenges the paradigm that religious and spiritual
factors should be overtly addressed in faith-based batterers’ programs targeting young adult males. 相似文献
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Daniel Smilov 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):67-77
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It
is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination
and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption
discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to
the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption
bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for
a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem
in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political
forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort. 相似文献
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Samantha Pegg 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):425-448
This article focuses on media reportage of offensive juveniles, past and present, to elicit lessons that the twenty-first
century can learn from the Victorian past in terms of diversionary responses. How to prevent vulnerable juveniles sliding
into dangerous criminality is a continuing preoccupation: the issue explored in this article relates to the creation of the
identity of the criminal juvenile. In utilising the concept of semi-criminality to label certain types of juvenile anti-social
behaviour the Victorians avoided actual criminalisation of socially offensive but, in legal terms, minor behaviours. The reasons
for and negative consequences of the abandonment of this concept by the modern age are explored, including the reconceptualisation
of where responsibility for juvenile offending lies in the modern era. 相似文献