Strategic Voting in Open Primaries

The purpose of an open primary is to incorporate more moderatevotes into the primary elections. This intention may backfirewhen nonparty members strategically participate in theprimary, and the result of an open primary might become even moreextreme than when nonparty members are not allowed to participate.Realizing this, the party members might also votestrategically to counter-react. If this occurs, then it mightactually coordinate the votes of the party's supporters. Theeffect of strategic voting behavior on the result of aprimary depends on the size of the party, turnout rate ofnonparty members, the positions of the candidates and theproportion of voters who vote strategically. Strategic votingbehavior can sometimes improve social welfare.     

The evolving profile,qualifications and roles of the senior public affairs officer

Leading a public affairs department or function in North America has become increasingly complex, difficult, and valued in the last decade. The knowledge, skills and abilities (KSAs) to perform this role effectively have undergone a transformation and become reflective of the socio‐political challenges entailed in the fast‐moving, global, information‐intensive economy. The top public affairs officer (PAO) will need to be a strategic thinker who can communicate effectively, have unquestioned integrity, maintain an international perspective, be an effective manager, and have the experience and savvy to navigate the trickiest of public policy processes and structures. These positions can be greatly rewarding for those individuals who are up to the task. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications.     

中国与发达国家农业产业化发展之比较

本文试图通过分析中国与发达国家发展农业产业化的不同背景、推进农业产业化进程中具体措施的不同点比较,试图探清阻碍中国推进农业产业化的梗阻之处,以利政策制定部门及实践部门对症下药,更好地推进农业产业化的进程。     

促进民营经济发展的若干思考

我国是社会主义国家,我们在坚持社会主义公有制的主体地位,搞活搞好大中型国有企业的同时,遵照客观规律,创造更好条件迅速使民营企业的经济发展起来,将从总体上加快我国的发展速度,增进我们的综合国力。如果措施得当,民营经济在入世后,还会通过不断的自身调整,为我国国民经济的腾飞再造辉煌。     

刻骨铭心的历史记录——十年“文革”中的十次抗争

持续十年的“文化大革命”，是党的历史上一个极其特殊的时期。在这一时期，党和人民抵制“左”倾错误和同林彪、江青反革命集团的抗争，是一直没有停止过的。这种抗争，比较公开和集中的就有十次。第一次抗争是拟定和下发《二月提纲》。在“文化大革命”发动阶段的这次抗争，本来试图对思想文化领域越来越凶的批判运动加以限制，但其结果却加速了“文化大革命”的发动１９６５年底掀起的思想文化领域的批判运动，是由上海《文汇报》发表的姚文元《评新编历史〈海瑞罢官〉》一文引起的。这篇文章的写作，是在毛泽东的支持下，江青背着中央政…     

经济学与电子商务

对于各个研究市场的经济学家来说——不管他是研究批发还是零售、商品还是服务、大宗产品还是细分产品——目前都面临一个超常的时代。因特网及其相关技术的应用导致与此有关的多种市场的交易成本骤降。每当一个戏剧性的技术革新出现,最显而易见而且最早产生的结果就是增值:我们发现正在做的那些事都比较容易做了,而且成本也大为降低。可是,过了一段时间,就会感到这些变动是剧烈的:我们发现我们完全能做一些新的事,或者完全可以通过新的途径去开展一定的商务活动。技术革新所带来的长期的冲击始终难以预料,就商务活动来说那种预料尤其困难,因为各种市场是极不平衡的。为了“抢滩”,确保因特网不动产的     

大学生自杀行为探析

文章通过社会调查与资料采集 ,对当代大学生的轻生自杀行为进行分析、研究 ,并提请大学生、家庭、学校、社会的关注 ,加强安全教育与防范。     

Shareholder wealth effects of legislative events: The case of airline deregulation

This paper presents empirical evidence about the impact on shareholder wealth of legislative events leading to the enactment of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978. In contrast to prior regulatory event studies, this paper examines not only the final legislative enactment but also the Congressional hearings that preceded it. No significant effect on shareholder wealth is indicated when averaged across all airline firms and all legislative events. Impact of deregulation, however, was expected to be different for trunk airlines than for local airlines. Moreover, market expectations likely changed with the change in the political climate during the course of deregulation deliberations, from an industry financial health emphasis under a Republican (Ford) administration to a consumer welfare emphasis under a Democratic (Carter) administration. We find that trunk airlines experienced significant positive abnormal returns during the Ford administration, but negative abnormal returns during the Carter administration. In contrast, local airlines exhibited significant negative abnormal returns during both the Ford and Carter eras. Systematic risk of both trunk and local airlines also increased with the change in the political climate.     

Representational roles

Abstract The paper examines the perceptions that representatives and would–be representatives have of their roles as MEPs, what accounts for those differences and what impact they have on MEP behaviour. Three dimensions of role differences were identified. Two of them, AGENT and TRUSTEE can be found in most assemblies but a third, a federal/confederal distinction, is perhaps peculiar to the EU. Individual attitudes to Europe explained this one quite well, nationality explained differences on the AGENT dimension and left–right position provided some explanation for differences on the TRUSTEE role. The combination of role perceptions appear to have some impact on MEPs' activities.