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61.
When is a commitment mechanism employed as a solution to a time-inconsistency problem? This article provides a nuanced answer to this question by studying bilateral investment treaties (BITs). We develop a game theoretic model of BIT signing in which the government of a capital-importing country and an investor from a capital-exporting country strategically interact. The model predicts that, on the one hand, when host states highly value foreign direct investment (FDI), the likelihood of BITs increases as their judicial institutions lack credibility. On the other hand, when their preferences for FDI are only modest, the likelihood of BITs increases as their judicial institutions become more credible. We employ Cox proportional hazard models to test our hypotheses, and the results largely support our theory. Our findings have broad implications for the large literature on credible commitment, which has paid insufficient attention to the interplay between preferences and credibility.  相似文献   
62.
Liberal prostitution policy aims at improving labor conditions for prostitutes and protecting victims of forced prostitution. Given its policy mandates, legalized prostitution should be linked to better protection policies for trafficking victims and stronger anti-trafficking measures. In this paper, I investigate empirically whether or not legalized prostitution improves protection policies for victims, as it is presumed. The results of my analysis—using data from 149 countries for the period of 2001–2011—suggest that a liberal prostitution policy does not lead to better protection and, in some cases, legalized prostitution can be detrimental to protecting victims of human trafficking.  相似文献   
63.
DeScioli  Peter  Cho  Bowen  Bokemper  Scott  Delton  Andrew W. 《Political Behavior》2020,42(1):261-283

At every scale from small committees to national elections, voters face tradeoffs between self-interest and the common good. We report three experiments in which participants vote for policies with real payoffs at stake. We manipulate self-interest by randomly assigning participants to two groups in society with different policy payoffs. Participants in the majority group are confronted by a simple choice between a policy that is better for themselves or a policy that is best for society. Overall, we find a clear effect of self-interest: Participants are more likely to choose the policy that earns them more money, compared to participants in the other group, even when the policy is detrimental to the common good. Simultaneously, we observe considerable levels of cooperative voting among participants in the majority, ranging from 47% to 79% across different payoff regimes. Finally, participants were not more cooperative when voting compared to when they chose between the same policies with a lottery or leader institution, departing from the hypothesis that voting institutions promote cooperative motives. We discuss implications for multiple literatures about voting behavior.

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64.
Acculturative stress and social support play important roles in suicide-related phenomena among adolescent immigrants. To examine their contributions, measures of acculturative and general life stress and a measure of multiple sources of social support were used to predict psychological distress and suicidal ideation among Korean-born high school students residing in the US. Korean students who were sojourning without both parents were compared to Korean students who immigrated with both parents, Korean students who remained in Korea, and American high school students in the US (total N = 227; 56.8% female). The sojourning group reported higher levels of life stress, distress, psychological symptoms, and suicidal ideation than the other groups. Within the two acculturating groups, levels of distress, symptoms, and suicidal ideation were associated with life stress, lack of parental support, and not living with both parents. The findings have important implications for suicide prevention among immigrant adolescents, and imply that parental support is particularly protective.  相似文献   
65.
In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, South Korea was hit hard by a sudden reversal in capital flows, a severe credit crunch and extreme exchange-rate instability. Despite having accumulated large holdings of reserves in a self-help strategy to hedge against such capital account shocks, the government was ultimately forced to abandon its defensive position and ask for external assistance. This article provides a critical examination of the broader forces behind Korea’s reserve accumulation and its problematic consequences. In addition to explaining reserve accumulation as a financially induced phenomenon, the economic costs of reserve hoarding are estimated and its efficacy evaluated in light of the crisis. It is shown that Korea’s reserve accumulation, undertaken as a costly form of self-insurance, was neither sufficient nor efficient in guarding against the volatility of global financial markets. To navigate the pitfalls of financial globalisation more successfully and cost-effectively, Korea needs to go beyond focusing exclusively on the asset side of its vulnerable international liquidity position by blindly hoarding more reserves at ever-escalating costs. It needs to also tackle the liabilities side of the ledger by reducing its heavy exposure to short-term, flight-prone foreign capital.  相似文献   
66.
ABSTRACT

While empowerment has emerged as a new management paradigm, virtually no research has combined structural and psychological approaches to develop an integrative approach. Moreover, prior research has not examined the effect of the cultural context on the relationship between empowerment and performance. Drawing on a sample of public employees working in the city of Seoul, the largest local government in Korea, this study examined the effects of structural and psychological empowerment on both in-role and extra-role performance, and the moderating effects of organizational individualism and collectivism. Of the 400 questionnaires, 191 usable respondents, combining employees' and managers' questionnaires, were returned. Data were analyzed using structural equation modeling (SEM). Results of the analyses indicated that psychological empowerment mediates the relationship between structural empowerment and extra-role performance, and that organizational collectivism moderates the relationship between psychological empowerment and extra-role performance. Based on these results, the implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   
67.
68.
Korea has undertaken all-out efforts to reform its economy and government to be ready for the new era of global competition and overcome the current economic crisis. Public sector reform seeks to liberalize the market economy by removing unnecessary government interventions in the private sector. The realization of the “four S's” - a small but strong government with the smarts to manage future uncertainties and a sensitivity to the people's needs - is the ultimate vision for the public sector reform. Regulatory reform calls for at least fifty percent of all government regulations eliminated by the end of 1998 and the rest of the regulations improved based on a set of rational principles. One key aspect of regulatory reform is focused on removing barriers to foreign direct investment. Epochal changes in the public sector including governmental regulations are expected to bring Korea up to global standards for business competition and government performance.  相似文献   
69.
Jaeho Cho  Yerheen Ha 《政治交往》2013,30(2):184-204
Previous research on presidential debates has largely focused on direct effects of debates on viewers. By expanding the context of debate effects to post-debate citizen communication, this study moves beyond the direct and immediate impact of debate viewing and investigates indirect effects of debate viewing mediated by debate-induced citizen communication. Results from two-wave panel data collected before and after the 2004 presidential debates show that, as previous literature has suggested, debate viewing leads to partisan reinforcement and that these debate effects are in part mediated through post-debate political conversation. These findings provide a new layer of complexity to our understanding of the mechanisms underlying debate effects.  相似文献   
70.
This article aims to conduct a critical appraisal of two major discourses in South Korea on how to construct its national school of international relations (IR) in the global academic field. This article argues that South Korean IR academia's recent quest for an independent, self-reliant national school of IR with universal applicability still appears to be operating under a colonial mentality, either treating Korea as a mere test bed for mainstream rationalist IR approaches or mimicking the character of hegemonic IR theory, thereby reaffirming it. The normative consequences of seeking to promote a national rival to dominant theorizing provide an interesting case study on the sometimes hidden politics of IR scholarship.  相似文献   
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