Taiwan’s Anti-Nuclear Movement: The Making of a Militant Citizen Movement

Social movement studies have constantly focused on research relating to movement strategy, without reaching a consensus on the most viable strategies for realising a movement’s goal. Instead of conceptualising movement strategy as merely a product of movement leaders’ rational calculations, this article analyses a case of strategy shift attributable to leadership replacement and unexpected events. This article examines the significant breakthroughs achieved by Taiwan’s anti-nuclear movement following Japan’s Fukushima Incident in 2011, as well as the 2014 Sunflower Movement in Taiwan. It argues that a militant citizen movement came into being because a new wave of activism employed non-partisan leadership and demonstrated a willingness to employ disruptive tactics. Mounting protests generated a split among members of the traditionally pro-nuclear Kuomintang political party, which was forced to halt the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant in 2014. With the regime change in 2016 that brought the more environment-friendly Democratic Progressive Party to power, Taiwan is now on course to phase out nuclear energy.     

The Korean experience in FDI and Sino-Korean relations

The possibility of regional cooperation in the Yellow Sea Rim (YSR) area has been discussed since the early 1980s. In recent years, Korean outbound foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased rapidly and it will be growing much further. In the new phase of the global economy and the post-cold war political environment, Korean firms consider the socialist countries, especially China, to be attractive new partners for trade and investment projects. Foreign investment contributed to economic growth in developing countries. In the early stage of industrialization in the 1970s, the share of foreign firms amounted to about one-tenth of the total manufacturing employment in Korea. Similarly, outbound Korean FDI could also play an important role in the industrialization of the LDCs in Southeast Asia and China. A case study of a Korean multinational corporation reveals that the direct employment effect of Korea’s FDI is extensive in terms of money invested. In spite of the complementarity in economic structure and the phase of development between Korea and China, the prospect of Korea’s outbound FDI is not all clear. However, one can safely assume that the unit scale of FDI projects will increase. Unlike in the past, the large Korean corporations are now preparing more than a few fair-sized projects in China. The positive impact of those FDI will be significant. The YSR cooperation, if successful, could create efficient economic cooperation based on complementarity between Korea and China. The Korean outbound FDI would pave a road to such regional cooperation. This article is the revised version of a paper prepared for the International Conference on Regional Development in the Yellow Sea Rimlands, held February 18–21, 1991. The conference was cosponsored by the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements, the State Science and Technology Commission of China, and the East-West Center of Honolulu, Hawaii.     

科学发展观的认知和实践转化及规律

理论转化是一个认识活动和实践活动相结合的过程。科学发展观转化过程既遵循人的思想形成的知、情、信、意、行诸要素均衡发展的过程,同时也反映了实践、认识、再实践、再认识的人类认识发展一般规律,是一个包括理解理论、价值认同、科学践行等环节的反复循环的认识过程。把握科学发展观的转化过程及其规律,对于推进中国特色社会主义建设具有深刻的现实意义和理论意义。     

无线网络技术在教学中的应用

在信息化技术不断发展的今天,各大院校纷纷建设起自己的网络教学模式,无线网络技术被较好的融入其中。随着无线局域网技术的提高和标准的不断推出,无线局域网在各大领域中的应用逐渐得到重视。笔者通过分析校园网建设中的实际应用要求及无线局域网的优势,对无限网络技术在教学中的应用进行探讨。     

对危险驾驶罪的法定刑设置的反思

危险驾驶罪与以危险方法危害公共安全罪、交通肇事罪共同构成维护公共交通安全的刑网体系,但是在法定刑设置上,对危险驾驶罪判处拘役并处罚金与上述两罪并不协调,也存在漏洞;罚金和拘役功能相同,并处罚金不能实现特殊预防,应增加1年以下有期徒刑和轻微危险驾驶肇事行为的刑罚配置,同时就危险驾驶的结果加重犯单独作出规定,以便与相关条文相协调。     

Contested governance between politics and professionalism in Taiwan

This essay critically examines the evolution of the environmental impact assessment (EIA) in Taiwan. The ‘American-style’ EIA was originally introduced in Taiwan as an economic policy-making instrument. During the 1980s, grassroots environmental protests rose. The state first met the popular opposition by denying their professional status, and then sought a more peaceful resolution by upgrading the EIA. In 1994, owing to the combined effects of more accountable parliamentary and environmentalists' lobbying, the EIA was finally codified. Democratization also made the codified EIA more powerful and professional, as environmentalists preferred. The latter part of this essay examines the actual practice of the EIA since 1995, with special attention to some controversial cases. The current EIA failed the proclaimed standard of “science and objectivity,” as politics lurked in the disguise of professionalism.     

法治背景下之信访生成原因论

对信访生成原因之思考,必须结合我国法治建设这一大的时代背景。信访与法治在当前形成了一种共生与竞争关系,这是我国法治建设走到特定历史阶段所出现的必然结果。政府主导型路径选择所造成的思想启蒙方面的缺失及政府权力的过于强大,法治建设所面对的特殊政策环境以及立法、司法等法治环节所存在的诸多问题都抑制了法治的竞争力,使信访在一定程度上取得了法治替代品的地位。     

罪刑法定原则论纲

罪刑法定原则是刑法的根本原则,它存在的形式前提是宪法中规定的法治原则,而实质前提则是民主主义与自由主义。作为刑法原则,罪刑法定原则在形式上表现为四个派生原则,在实质上就是人权保障原则。由于两大法系对法治主义理解的不同,所以罪刑法定原则在大陆法系表现为面向实体的原则,而在英美法系则表现为面向程序的原则(实体的正当程序原则)。罪刑法定原则的实现,首先是作为立法原则,其次是作为司法原则,其不是实现在刑法运行的某一阶段,而是实现在刑法运行的全过程中。     

缅甸非政府组织反坝运动刍议

近年来,缅甸政府大力推动水电开发,中国、泰国、印度等国也积极参与其中。然而缅甸非政府组织主导的反坝运动已成为缅甸水电开发的重要阻碍,也损害了各参与国的经济利益。本文对缅甸非政府组织反坝运动的基本观点及行动方式作了初步的描述和分析,并从中国的立场出发提出因应之策。