首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   2221篇
  免费   41篇
各国政治   88篇
工人农民   190篇
世界政治   132篇
外交国际关系   83篇
法律   1431篇
中国政治   23篇
政治理论   309篇
综合类   6篇
  2023年   8篇
  2021年   13篇
  2020年   17篇
  2019年   26篇
  2018年   110篇
  2017年   51篇
  2016年   125篇
  2015年   39篇
  2014年   29篇
  2013年   164篇
  2012年   140篇
  2011年   111篇
  2010年   32篇
  2009年   49篇
  2008年   35篇
  2007年   35篇
  2006年   39篇
  2005年   417篇
  2004年   125篇
  2003年   43篇
  2002年   35篇
  2001年   28篇
  2000年   15篇
  1999年   19篇
  1998年   15篇
  1996年   12篇
  1995年   8篇
  1992年   27篇
  1991年   34篇
  1990年   36篇
  1989年   47篇
  1988年   30篇
  1987年   30篇
  1986年   30篇
  1985年   25篇
  1984年   18篇
  1983年   21篇
  1980年   11篇
  1979年   12篇
  1978年   13篇
  1977年   6篇
  1975年   18篇
  1974年   24篇
  1973年   15篇
  1972年   16篇
  1971年   19篇
  1970年   15篇
  1969年   7篇
  1968年   12篇
  1967年   9篇
排序方式: 共有2262条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.  相似文献   
32.
33.
Lies Matter     
Mills  Chris 《Law and Philosophy》2019,38(5-6):453-464
Law and Philosophy -  相似文献   
34.
35.
36.
The salience of the concept of “empowerment” has been deductively claimed more often than carefully defined or inductively assessed by development scholars and practitioners alike. We use evidence from a mixed methods examination of the Kecamatan (subdistrict) Development Project (KDP) in rural Indonesia, which we define here as development interventions that build marginalized groups’ capacity to engage local-level governing elites using routines of deliberative contestation. “Deliberative contestation” refers to marginalized groups’ practice of exercising associational autonomy in public forums using fairness-based arguments that challenge governing elites’ monopoly over public resource allocation decisions. Deliberative development interventions such as KDP possess a comparative advantage in building the capacity to engage because they actively provide open decision-making spaces, resources for argumentation (such as facilitators), and incentives to participate. They also promote peaceful resolutions to the conflicts they inevitably spark. In the KDP conflicts we analyze, marginalized groups used deliberative contestation to moderately but consistently shift local-level power relations in contexts with both low and high preexisting capacities for managing conflict. By contrast, marginalized groups in non-KDP development conflicts from comparable villages used “mobilizational contestation” to generate comparatively erratic shifts in power relations, shifts that depended greatly on the preexisting capacity for managing conflict.
Michael Woolcock (Corresponding author)Email:

Christopher Gibson   is a Ph.D. student in sociology at Brown University. His research interests include comparative political economy, participatory democracy, contemporary sociological theory, qualitative methodology, and long-run causes of development and inequality in large developing countries. He is currently exploring the relationship between democratic participation and redistribution in Kerala, India. Michael Woolcock   is professor of social science and development policy, and research director of the Brooks World Poverty Institute, at the University of Manchester. He is currently on external service leave from the World Bank’s Development Research Group.  相似文献   
37.
38.
39.
The sexualisation of young women has emerged as a growing concern within contemporary western cultures. This has provoked adult anxieties that young women are growing up too fast by adopting inappropriate sexual practices and subjectivities. Psychological discourses have dominated, which position sexualisation as a corrupting force that infects the ‘true self’ of young women, so they develop in abnormal ways. This in turn allows psychological practices to govern how to parent against sexualisation within families. To explore this further, six mothers each with daughters aged between 8 and 12 took part in one to one semi-structured interviews designed to explore how they conceptualised and parented against the early sexualisation of young women. A Foucauldian inspired discourse analysis was employed, which suggested that the mother's talk was situated within a psychological discourse. This enabled sexualisation to be positioned as a corrupting force that disrupted the natural development of young women through deviant bodily practices (e.g. consuming sexualised goods), which prevented them from becoming their ‘true self’. Through the disciplinary gaze of psychology, class inequalities were reproduced where working class families were construed as ‘chavs’ who were bad parents and a site of contagion for sexualisation.  相似文献   
40.
In this introduction, we review the literature on intellectual property rights and access to medicines, identifying two distinct generations of research. The first generation analyzes the origins of new intellectual property rules, in particular the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), and the significance of TRIPS to developing countries. The second generation examines national-level experiences, as countries adjust their laws and practices to conform to TRIPS. Based on the insights provided by the articles in the special issue, we contribute to the second generation by considering a pair of overarching sets of issues. First, we highlight the domestic political challenges that affect how countries go about implementing their new obligations under TRIPS. We argue that alliances and coalitions are necessary to underpin the use of policy instruments designed to conform to TRIPS while taking into account local conditions and needs, and we present insights that allow us to understand why alliances and coalitions are difficult to construct and sustain in this area. Second, we explain why policies that many countries adopt in response to TRIPS often do not generate their desired or intended outcomes. In the last section of the introduction, we review the articles that appear in this special issue.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号