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301.
China's State Council has charged that in 2009 BHP Billiton inflamed Australians' fear of “Chinese colour” in order to undermine Chinalco's (Aluminium Corporation of China) effort to increase its share of the Rio Tinto company. Though unproven, this is a serious charge and the more so because it suggests there is a risk that in the future firms challenged by Chinese competitors may emulate the alleged practice. Given this possibility, anti-racists require a sophisticated understanding of how firms might incorporate Sinophobia into their business strategies and how Chinese foreign direct investment is viewed by national and local communities. To further this response, we review the literature on the use of racism as a corporate tactic, discuss the Chinalco-BHP struggle, and provide a study of how one community reacted when offered the chance to host a large Chinese investment. 相似文献
302.
Social security regimes must be underpinned by enforcement mechanisms designed to compel employers to fulfil their contribution requirements. In this paper we extend debate on China's social security system by discussing whether the inclusion of re-integrative shaming in the repertoire of mechanisms the state utilises to enforce employer compliance is likely to prove effective. Drawing on audited data provided by the Shanghai Bureau of Labour and Social Security and on interviews with employers and Bureau staff we argue that though shaming has the potential to become an important social security enforcement mechanism in China, optimism that this will occur in the near future is not justified. 相似文献
303.
Chris Landsberg 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):273-293
It was after much anticipation that members of the new Jacob Zuma foreign policy executive announced that, for the duration of their term, South Africa's foreign policy would be based on the doctrine of advancing ‘the national interest’, conceptualised simply as the ‘most vital needs’ of the country. However, almost two years since taking control of the levers of policy and political power, the South African government has yet to spell out in detail what constituted the national interest or how such interest would be pursued. In spite of this lacuna, senior members of the new foreign policy inner-elite continue to proclaim the national interest, and proceed to spell out grander foreign policy goals that they would pursue under the banner of a ‘new’ developmental agenda. These include consolidating the African agenda; deepening South–South cooperation; expanding South–North relations; strengthening foreign political and economic ties generally; and participating in a global system of governance. To date, this proclamation that the national interest will be the beam that will guide foreign policy has remained little more than a statement of intent and much conjecture. The challenge is to move beyond rhetoric and intentions and to define the national interest and to articulate a coherent foreign policy going forward. This will require concrete proposals on the basis of thorough-going domestic–foreign policy linkages. 相似文献
304.
305.
Chris Ogden 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):215-217
Abstract What structured the fundamental nature of Indian security for the first 50 years of the country's independence? This article draws out four normative parameters that have been tempered and normalised during this period through India's international interaction along with her internal political developments. Using notions of ‘security identity’, the article unpacks these normative parameters in order to investigate holistically the interaction between both domestic and foreign influences in India's international relations. As such, the article finds a relative consistency to how security has been conceived of in India—displaying sustained threats to its territorial integrity, a continued democratic tradition, ongoing fears of communal violence plus an engrained desire for a greater global role. In turn, it has been the interface between internal and external factors that has structured, and continues to structure, Indian security. 相似文献
306.
307.
Chris O’Leary 《West European politics》2013,36(6):1327-1344
In October 2010, the UK’s Coalition Government announced a radical reduction in the number of public bodies in the UK. This research tests the impact of three factors identified in the termination literature as affecting agency survival: political turnover, age and agency type. The research found that advisory Non-Departmental Public Bodies were five times more likely to have been identified for abolition or merger than other agency types. The research also found that agency age was a factor, but that political turnover was not significant. 相似文献
308.
309.
Zillah R. Eisenstein (ed.), Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism. (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1970. 394 pp. $5.95 paper). The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology (Lavender and Red Union, Los Angeles; 1976). Janice G. Raymond, The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She‐Male. (New York: Beacon Press, 1979. 220 pp. $12.95 cloth). Dorothy Dinnerstein, The Mermaid and the Minotaur: Sexual Arrangements and Human Malaise (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1977) first published in 1976. Bertell Oilman, Social and Sexual Revolution: Essays on Marx and Reich. (Boston: South End Press, 1979. 228 pp. $5.50 paper, $15.00 cloth). 相似文献
310.
Beaver KM Wright JP Delisi M Daigle LE Swatt ML Gibson CL 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2007,51(6):620-645
A large body of research has revealed that aggressive personality traits and violent criminal behaviors are influenced by genetic factors. Surprisingly, however, no research has been devoted to investigating the potential genetic origins to adolescent victimization. In the current study, the authors address this gap in the literature by using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) to examine whether different variants of the dopamine D2 receptor gene (DRD2) are related to victimization, net of the effects of environmental measures. The results of the multivariate models revealed a significant gene X environment interaction in the creation of victimization for White males. Specifically, DRD2 interacted with delinquent peers to predict victimization. The authors discuss the implications of these findings. 相似文献