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111.
Christian Bjørnskov 《Public Choice》2010,144(1-2):323-346
This paper explores questions related to the association between social trust and governance. In particular, the paper explores whether the trust-governance association is mainly a reflection of political responsiveness to the demands of the electorate or of the supply of honest politicians and bureaucrats. After outlining some simple theory, the findings suggest that the association reflects a causal influence of both types of trust on institutions of economic-judicial governance while electoral institutions are not associated with social trust. Assessed at the sample mean, the value of social trust under high political competition as evaluated by the compensating income variation is substantial. 相似文献
112.
Christian Kock 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(5):570-586
This article argues for the relevance of a rhetorical approach to the study of citizenship, proposing the concept of rhetorical citizenship as a term for a fourth dimension of citizenship and as a scholarly approach to the topic in addition to the dimensions of status, rights, and identity commonly recognized in the literature. We show how this view aligns with current views of the multidi Citizenship Studies mensionality of citizenship, explain our use of the term rhetoric, and illustrate the usefulness of a rhetorical approach in two examples. In close textual readings both examples – one vernacular, one elite – are shown to discursively craft and enact different notions of citizenship vis-a-vis the European refugee crisis. We conclude that a rhetorical perspective on public civic discourse is useful in virtue of its close attention to discursive creativity as well as to textual properties that may significantly, but often implicitly, affect citizens’ understanding of their own role in the polity, and further because it recognizes deep differences as inevitable while valorizing discourse across them. 相似文献
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115.
Corporate response strategies to regulatory uncertainty: evidence from uncertainty about post-Kyoto regulation 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A better understanding of firms’ response strategies to regulatory uncertainty enables policymakers to improve policymaking
efficiency and to enhance the effectiveness of regulation. Based on a literature review, we categorize responses according
to their objective toward regulatory uncertainty into four strategies: avoidance, reduction, adaptation, and disregard strategies.
Unique data from a worldwide cross-industry survey show that firms predominantly pursue reduction, and to a lesser extent
adaptation and disregard strategies, in response to post-Kyoto regulatory uncertainty. Surprisingly, firms in fact only sporadically
pursue avoidance strategies, in contradiction to their own public announcements commonly made during policymaking to realize
such strategies. The degree of regulatory uncertainty perceived and its interpretation as a threat increase the pursuit of
most of these strategies. In addition, firms’ response strategies to post-Kyoto regulatory uncertainty differ across industries
and partly across regions. 相似文献
116.
In the judgement delivered in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia,the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found that Serbia,with regard to the acts of genocide committed in Srebrenica,had breached the obligation, as set out in Article I of the1948 Genocide Convention, to prevent genocide. However, it alsofound that Bosnia and Herzegovina had no right to monetary compensationand that the mere declaration of Serbia's responsibility fornot preventing the genocide in Srebrenica was in itself appropriatesatisfaction. This article criticizes the decision of the ICJnot to accord monetary compensation, which was based on thelack of a causal nexus between the failure by Serbia to complywith its obligation to prevent genocide and the death of 7000men in Srebrenica. It argues that the Court should have shiftedthe burden of proof and should have required Serbia to showthat even if the institutions of the then Federal Republic ofYugoslavia (FRY) had taken appropriate measures, the BosnianSerbs would nonetheless have completed their criminal plans.Concerning the issue of satisfaction, the article notes thatthe ICJ could have ordered symbolic monetary damages, by takinginto account international practice and the request by the Applicant.In addition, it observes that international tribunals enjoya large measure of discretion in awarding satisfaction and that,in making a determination on the most appropriate form of satisfactionthe genocidal tragedy itself should not have been left aside.In this connection, the ICJ could have found guidance in thecase law of the European Court of Human Rights, which in someinstances has taken into account the degree of pain and sufferingendured by the victims. Finally, with regard to guarantees andassurances of non-repetition, the article notes that these donot constitute a form of reparation, but rather should be consideredas an expression of the obligation to comply with the primaryrule incumbent upon a state in particular situations. The articleagrees with the Court's conclusion that an assessment of theprevailing situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina did not provideany clues to the presence of an actual threat to the physicalintegrity of the Muslim population. However, it contends thatthe reluctance by Serbia to arrest and transfer to the ICTYGeneral Mladi, more than three months after the delivery ofthe judgment of the ICJ and the issuance of a specific orderin this regard, unequivocally demonstrates the strong ties ofsolidarity between the Serbian leadership in Serbia and in theRepublika Srpska. Serbia is making itself an ex post accompliceof genocide, with far-reaching consequences for its envisagedintegration into the European Union. 相似文献
117.
Christian Holzner 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2010,23(6):157-164
Zubeh?r-Wohnungseigentum an Hausg?rten, Kellerr?umen oder Lagerfl?chen wird oft nicht eigens im Grundbuch eingetragen, obwohl
eine st?ndige, schon zum alten WEG 1975 ergangene Rsp des OGH seine dingliche Wirksamkeit von dieser Verbücherung abh?ngig
macht. Der Beitrag versucht, die Begründung zu vertiefen, warum die Rsp eine solche Verbücherung zu Recht verlangt. 相似文献
118.
Christian Kuhn 《The History of the Family》2010,15(3):348-363
The history of generations is often researched in the light of ego-documents, including diaries or letters. These sources of communication between young and old require methods of literary criticism, as this article suggests in exemplary cases. Popular (and in some cases popular forms of learned) literature show how stereotypes dominated letters between Nuremberg fathers and sons fom the 16th century. Reading these letters as witnesses of direct emotional expression, as has been done so far, would be problematic on a theoretical level of the concept of autobiography (according the Ricoeur ‘an other’ of the self), but also an empirical level. Letters were cultural artefacts that were considered well-formed only when they met the standards set by the urban youth image. This included a conglomerate of religious discourses, psychological assumption about the nature of emotions, the urban system of values and honour relating to merchant education more specifically. In letters of this intergenerational context, even information could be put into the context of a situational self-representation of the person writing. Writing a letter as an apprentice or a student was not at all confined to convey factual information. Rather than that, writing letters meant to participate in the generation of norms and to act on a meta-level of communication, as well. Negative images of youth were rhetorically implemented in letters to maintain and reaffirm the hierarchy within the family. Letter exchanges secured economic stability of family firms and the subsequent social rise. 相似文献
119.
Doubling Down: Inequality in Responsiveness and the Policy Preferences of Elected Officials
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Is bias in responsiveness to constituents conditional on the policy preferences of elected officials? The scholarly conventional wisdom is that constituency groups who do not receive policy representation still obtain some level of responsiveness by legislators outside of the policy realm. In contrast, we present a theory of preference‐induced responsiveness bias where constituency responsiveness by legislators is associated with legislator policy preferences. Elected officials who favor laws that could disproportionately impact minority groups are also less likely to engage in nonpolicy responsiveness to minority groups. We conducted a field experiment in 28 US legislative chambers. Legislators were randomly assigned to receive messages from Latino and white constituents. If legislators supported voter identification laws, Latino constituents were less likely to receive constituency communications from their legislators. There are significant implications regarding fairness in the democratic process when elected officials fail to represent disadvantaged constituency groups in both policy and nonpolicy realms. 相似文献
120.