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621.
Global and regional summits occur regularly, yet we know little about the factors supporting an effective summit. This article reviews knowledge about the chair, agenda building and prenegotiation preparation within an institutionalised régime, and then turns to our venue, the G20, and our specific case, the 2014 G20 Australian presidency. Through case analysis, we develop a Prenegotiation Framework, identifying tasks and key issues that are usefully addressed during summit preparation. Furthermore, we identify a linked relationship between the chair, their management of prenegotiation planning, the agenda that is adopted and the way in which that agenda determines public perception of the fundamental nature or “identity” of a particular international organisation. Thus, the prenegotiation process can have significant consequences for our understanding of those institutions engaged in global governance. We conclude that data no longer support a characterisation of the G20 as a global crisis committee, as an analysis of G20 Summit agendas demonstrates that it has evolved into a global steering committee. With its identity established, the effectiveness of the G20 as a global steering committee is the key question, while régime continuity and change constitute the real long-term G20 challenge. 相似文献
622.
The family, as the primary instance of socialization, plays a key role in nurturing values and attitudes. Based on this notion, this paper looks at how parental corporal punishment in childhood and adolescence, as an expression of a strict, authoritarian upbringing, can influence punitiveness later in life. The results of a representative German sample using multivariate analyses show that individuals who were physically punished or abused by their parents during childhood or adolescence are more punitive than non-victims of parental violence. Based on these findings, the question of whether changing parenting styles might have implications at the macro-level of punitiveness is addressed. 相似文献
623.
Christian Grund 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2006,22(1):49-71
This contribution investigates severance payments for dismissed employees in Germany. Particularly, it responds to two questions: “Who receives severance payments?” and “By which characteristics is the level of severance payments determined?”. Individual and collective dismissals are analyzed separately. This is the first study on this issue using individual representative data—the German Socio-Economic Panel—and multivariate methods. The results indicate that rather women, persons with many years of tenure and working in large firms receive severance payments. There is a huge variance in the size of the payments. The most important determinants are the previous wage, tenure and age. 相似文献
624.
Bachhiesl C 《Archiv für Kriminologie》2007,219(1-2):46-53
Modern criminology--if one wants to consider it a separate scientific discipline at all--is usually perceived as being mainly influenced by the methods of natural sciences supplemented by components from the field of psychology, which, at least in some of its conceptions, tends to define itself as a natural science, too. If we take a look at the history of science, we will see development of criminology in this direction was not necessarily inevitable. The scientific work of the Austrian Hans Gross (1847-1915), one of the founding fathers of scientific criminology, serves as an example of the way how natural sciences and their exact methods became established in the methodological apparatus of modern criminology, although in praxi his claim for the application of exact methods was all too often replaced by irrational and intuitive ways of working. Still, Hans Gross' fundamental decision for the exact methods derived from the natural sciences is an important step towards a criminology that can be understood as a part of natural sciences, largely superseding the methods of cultural sciences and anthropological philosophy. This approach made the (criminal) human being an object of measurement and can result in the concept of man as a mere phenomenon of quantity. This is, on the one hand, ethically questionable; on the other hand, it made modern criminology more efficient and successful. 相似文献
625.
European Studies and the European Crisis: Legal and Political Science between Critique and Complacency
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Christian Kreuder‐Sonnen 《European Law Journal》2017,23(1-2):118-139
European Studies used to be dominated by legal and political science approaches which hailed the progress of European integration and its reliance on law. The recent set of crises that struck the EU have highlighted fundamental problems in the ways and means by which European integration unfolds. The quasi‐authoritarian emergency politics deployed in the euro crisis is a radical expression of the fading prevalence of democratic processes to accommodate economic and social diversity in the Union. As we argue in this paper, however, the mainstreams in both disciplines retain a largely affirmative and apologetic stance on the EU's post‐democratic and extra‐constitutional development. While political science contributions mostly content themselves with a revival of conventional integration theories and thus turn a blind eye to normatively critical aspects of European crisis governance, legal scholarship is in short supply of normatively convincing theoretical paradigms and thus aligns itself with the functionalist reasoning of the EU's Court of Justice. Yet, we also identify critical peripheries in both disciplines which intersect in their critical appraisal of the authoritarian tendencies that inhere in the crisis‐ridden state of European integration. Their results curb the prevailing optimism and underline that the need for fundamental reorientations in both the theory and practice of European integration has become irrefutable. 相似文献
626.
Abstract: Based on data from a Swiss survey study (N = 769), this research investigated individual‐level determinants of trust in political authorities from a social psychological perspective. The study demonstrates that individuals with a low level of education who feel materially at risk and politically powerlessness expressed the lowest levels of political trust. This relationship was explained with differential endorsement of normative beliefs. A mediation analysis reveals that normative perceptions of Swiss society as being threatened by immorality and growing social inequalities accounted for the effect of perceived material risk on political distrust. The rejection of a duty‐based citizenship norm (voting), in turn, mediated the impact of political powerlessness on distrust. Political orientation was unrelated to political trust. These findings illustrate the cognitive underpinnings of political alienation and suggest that perceived lack of political agency and perceived risk of social declassification are key factors in understanding political distrust. 相似文献
627.
This article explicates and discusses nomothetic and idiographic approaches in empirical cross-cultural research. Both approaches are confronted with at least three common problems: the problem of a clear and practical useful classification of the concept “culture”, the problem of the comparability of cultures including the old discussion about the incommensurability of phenomenon from different cultures and the problem of nostrification – the question if and how one could explain and understand different cultures avoiding a simple transfer of own concepts. The different and sometimes similar proposals for solutions of these problems in the different approaches are presented. 相似文献
628.
Steffen Ganghof Sebastian Eppner Christian Stecker Katja Heeß Stefan Schukraft 《German politics》2013,22(4):541-561
A widespread view in political science is that minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively, more in line with a median-oriented and 'consensual' vision of democracy. Yet there is only little empirical evidence for it. We study legislative coalition-building in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia, which was ruled by a minority government between 2010 and 2012. We compare the inclusiveness of legislative coalitions under minority and majority cabinets, based on 1028 laws passed in the 1985–2017 period, and analyze in detail the flexibility of legislative coalition formation under the minority government. Both quantitative analyses are complemented with brief case studies of specific legislation. We find, first, that the minority cabinet did not rule more inclusively. Second, the minority cabinet’s legislative flexibility was fairly limited; to the extent that it existed, it follows a pattern that cannot be explained on the basis of the standard spatial model with policy-seeking parties. 相似文献
629.
630.
Christoph Egle Christian Henkes Tobias Ostheim Alexander Petring 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2004,14(1):113-134
Der Beitrag untersucht die Frage, inwieweit sechs sozialdemokratische Regierungsparteien sowohl programmatisch als auch in der umgesetzten Politik einen gemeinsamen Weg beschreiten. Ausgangspunkt ist dabei die Feststellung, dass unter den Herausforderungen der global und europäisch integrierten Märkte die Sozialdemokratie ihre traditionellen Ziele in der Fiskal-, Sozial- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik nur noch erschwert verfolgen kann. Die Untersuchung der verfolgten Politik in den sechs Ländern ergibt, dass sozialdemokratische Parteien in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß eine Politik der Marktöffnung betrieben haben. Konvergenzen lassen sich Länder übergreifend bei der von Sozialdemokratien betriebenen Politik der Haushaltskonsolidierung und bei der Aktivierung der Arbeitsmarktpolitik erkennen, wohingegen in der Sozialpolitik die Divergenzen am größten sind. Auf den beiden erstgenannten Politikfeldern zeichnet sich ein gemeinsames sozialdemokratisches Politikmodell ab. Erklärungskräftig sowohl für die umgesetzte Politik als auch für die dabei verfolgte Strategie sind der nationale Handlungskontext, besonders der Parteienwettbewerb und das Verhältnis zwischen Gewerkschaften und Sozialdemokratie. 相似文献