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Christian Webersik 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1463-1480
When analysing links between conflict, trade and foreign aid in Somalia, it is important to examine the role of the Mogadishu-based business class. Mainly urban-based elites benefit from the profitable business activities, such as the charcoal trade. Nevertheless, potential links between conflict, trade and foreign aid are ambiguous. Whereas trade can trigger conflict in producing areas and along transport routes, it can build trust among the business elite in the urban centres. Today there is a thriving economy largely based on trade and arbitrage, rather than on production, without a functioning state in Somalia. This article argues that, in countries where effective government institutions are absent, security and social services, such as education and health care, are often privatised. However, some individuals have an interest in the continuation of violence to engage in lucrative sectors of the economy which would be regulated or banned under a functioning government. 相似文献
124.
Competitive elections in authoritarian regimes are inherently ambiguous: do they extend regime persistence or, vice versa, operate as subversive events? This article tests Inglehart and Welzel's “emancipatory theory of democracy”, which has not been tested for competitive elections in autocracies: when emancipative values grow strong, autocratic power appears increasingly illegitimate in people's eyes, which motivates subversive mass actions against authoritarian rule. For electoral outcomes this suggestion implies, first, that authoritarian incumbents are more likely to suffer electoral defeat when emancipative values have become more widespread. Second, post-electoral protest against fraudulent elections is more likely when emancipative values have become more widespread. To test these hypotheses, we analyse 152 elections among 33 electoral authoritarian regimes over 21 years from 1990–2011. We find that emancipative values are indeed strongly conducive to incumbent defeat while their effect on post-electoral protest is conditional: it only occurs in elections won by the incumbent. These findings intertwine two separately developed literatures: one on authoritarian regime subversion and the other on emancipatory cultural change. 相似文献
125.
Claims to legitimacy count: Why sanctions fail to instigate democratisation in authoritarian regimes
International sanctions are one of the most commonly used tools to instigate democratisation in the post‐Cold War era. However, despite long‐term sanction pressure by the European Union, the United States and/or the United Nations, non‐democratic rule has proven to be extremely persistent. Which domestic and international factors account for the regimes' ability to resist external pressure? Based on a new global dataset on sanctions from 1990 to 2011, the results of a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) provide new insights for the research on sanctions and on authoritarian regimes. Most significantly, sanctions strengthen authoritarian rule if the regime manages to incorporate their existence into its legitimation strategy. Such an unintended ‘rally‐round‐the‐flag’ effect occurs where sanctions are imposed on regimes that possess strong claims to legitimacy and have only limited economic and societal linkages to the sender of sanctions. 相似文献
126.
Metropolitan regions have become one of the most appropriate scales to define efficient governance networks for economic and territorial development. The state still is the key actor of these partnerships. Yet the question remains whether cross-border metropolitan regions represent a new point of reference that puts state power in question or whether they only reorganize it. The centrality of state power will be examined by looking at two networks of actors (public transport and territorial marketing) working at the Eurometropolis Lille–Kortrijk–Tournai. The results reveal that a triple-faceted state power has emerged to define and organize cross-border metropolitan management. 相似文献
127.
An internal security problem of Somalia—state failure from internal conflict resulting in increased piracy—has increasingly become an external security problem for the European Union (EU). This article contributes to analysing the role of the EU as a security actor in countering piracy off the Horn of Africa, by examining three different dimensions of the EU response to this problem: (a) the immediate EU response (the EU military mission EUNAVFOR Atalanta); (b) the medium-term EU response (the Critical Maritime Routes (CMR) programme launched by the European Commission); and (c) the long-term EU response (development and security assistance). This article concludes that the EU has been very active in addressing piracy through its naval task-force to protect maritime transport in the western Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden, as well as its efforts to enhance regional counter-piracy capacities and thematic and geographical financial instruments. The EU thus has taken up the fight against ‘Captain Hook’. 相似文献
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Christian Rosbaud 《Juristische Bl?tter》2009,131(4):263-268
Eine bedingte Strafnachsicht nach § 40 Abs 1 SMG setzt (ua) voraus, dass sich der an ein Suchtmittel gew?hnte Verurteilte
mit Erfolg einer gesundheitsbezogenen Ma?nahme unterzogen hat. Ein solcher Erfolg ist anzunehmen, wenn das im konkreten Fall
aus der Sicht der jeweiligen Wissenschaft m?gliche Ziel der gesundheitsbezogenen Ma?nahme erreicht ist. Ein "Teilerfolg" der
Drogenfreiheit genügt nicht, wenn der Verurteilte noch weiterer gesundheitsbezogener Ma?nahmen bedürfte, um einer Drogenabstinenz
zumindest n?her zu kommen. In verfahrensrechtlicher Hinsicht setzt eine nachtr?gliche bedingte Strafnachsicht nach § 40 Abs
1 SMG grunds?tzlich einen zuvor gew?hrten Aufschub des Strafvollzugs gem § 39 Abs 1 SMG voraus. Nur in besonderen Ausnahmef?llen
ist eine solche Strafnachsicht auch ohne vorherigen Strafaufschub m?glich, insb dann, wenn der Verurteilte nach Rechtskraft
des Urteils alles für einen optimalen Entzug getan hat, also keinerlei weitere Ma?nahmen für eine Drogenabstinenz notwendig
sind. 相似文献
130.