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831.
Edgar L. Feige 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2012,57(3):239-263
Despite financial innovations that have created important new substitutes for cash usage, per capita holdings of U.S. currency
amount to $2950. Yet American households and businesses admit to holding only 15% of the currency stock, leaving the whereabouts
of 85% unknown. Some fraction of this unaccounted for currency is held abroad (the dollarization hypothesis) and some is held
domestically undeclared, as a store of value and a medium of exchange for transactions involving the production and distribution
of illegal goods and services, and for transactions earning income that is not reported to the IRS (the unreported economy
hypothesis). We find that the percentage of U.S. currency currently held overseas is between 30 and 37% rather than the widely
cited figure of 65%. This finding is based on the official Federal Reserve/Bureau of Economic Analysis data which is a proxy
measure of the New York Federal Reserve’s (NYB) “confidential” data on wholesale currency shipments abroad. We recommend that
the NYB data be aggregated so as to circumvent confidentiality concerns, and be made readily available to all researchers
in order to shed greater light on the questions of how much U.S. currency is abroad and on the particular location of overseas
U.S. dollars. The newly revised official estimates of overseas currency holdings are employed to determine the Federal Reserve’s
seigniorage earnings from 1964–2010, which have provided a $2950. Yet American households and businesses admit to holding only 15% of the currency stock, leaving the whereabouts
of 85% unknown. Some fraction of this unaccounted for currency is held abroad (the dollarization hypothesis) and some is held
domestically undeclared, as a store of value and a medium of exchange for transactions involving the production and distribution
of illegal goods and services, and for transactions earning income that is not reported to the IRS (the unreported economy
hypothesis). We find that the percentage of U.S. currency currently held overseas is between 30 and 37% rather than the widely
cited figure of 65%. This finding is based on the official Federal Reserve/Bureau of Economic Analysis data which is a proxy
measure of the New York Federal Reserve’s (NYB) “confidential” data on wholesale currency shipments abroad. We recommend that
the NYB data be aggregated so as to circumvent confidentiality concerns, and be made readily available to all researchers
in order to shed greater light on the questions of how much U.S. currency is abroad and on the particular location of overseas
U.S. dollars. The newly revised official estimates of overseas currency holdings are employed to determine the Federal Reserve’s
seigniorage earnings from 1964–2010, which have provided a 287 billion windfall for U.S. taxpayers. Overseas currency stock
data are also used to derive estimates of the domestically held stock of currency as well as narrow and broad measures of domestic monetary aggregates. These domestic monetary aggregates are believed to be better predictors of future economic activity than traditional monetary aggregates
and are tested to determine their ability to predict fluctuations in real output and prices. Domestic cash holdings are finally
used to estimate the size of the U.S. unreported economy as measured by the amount of income that is not properly reported
to the IRS. By 2010, we estimate that legal and illegal source unreported income” is $1.9–$1.9–2.4 trillion, implying a “tax gap”
in the range of $400–$400–540 billion. Currently, we estimate that 18–23% of total reportable income is not properly reported
to the IRS. 相似文献
832.
Based on ethnographic data, this essay analyzes the social order properties of a poor urban street, in a small city in the
northeast United States, on which drug dealing is the principle occupation. Rather than treating drug dealing as an agent
of disorder, we focus on the order properties of drug dealing and the ordered character of the local code of conduct that
develops around it. Like Sudhir Venkatesh (American Journal of Sociology 103:82–111, 1997) we examine the interface between drug dealing and the neighborhood. However, in this small urban space the drug dealers
are not outsiders, rather, they are long term residents: established insiders who are well integrated into community life.
As such their work practices and the requirements they place on behavior in public spaces impact the neighborhood in comprehensive
ways. We detail the phenomenon Elijah Anderson called the “code of the street” (Anderson 1999) as a set of practices and social markers, a local Interaction Order (Goffman, American Sociological Review 48:1–17, 1983; Rawls, Sociological Theory 2:136–149, 1987), that furnishes basic day to day sensemaking tools for residents (Rawls 2009). We propose that this order has a constitutive character that furnishes stable expectations (Garfinkel 1963, 1967) for meaningful social action and identity in the neighborhood. In a context of industrial decline and urban poverty, drug
dealing careers constitute a major socialization factor, that touches everyone here—especially children. 相似文献
833.
This study investigates the factors that shape the attitudes of scientists toward starting their own business or working in
a private sector firm. The analysis is based on data collected from scientists working in the German Max Planck Society, a
research institution devoted to basic science. We find that the scientists’ attractiveness of working in a private sector
firm or of starting their own business differ considerably according to their academic discipline and the self-reported commercial
potential of their research. The ability to take risks, prior work experience in private firms, and personal experience in
cooperating with industry lead to a positive attitude towards switching to private sector employment or entrepreneurship.
Strong willingness to freely distribute research findings is related to a low appeal of private sector work. 相似文献
834.
835.
Purpose
The link between maltreatment and offending has been well established in the literature, with research examining the etiology of criminal behavior consistently documenting the negative effects of experiencing trauma early in life. Theoretically, ideas behind the cycle of violence hypothesis have greatly contributed to our understanding of this connection; however, there is a lack of understanding of the mechanisms underlying this relationship. We address this research gap by examining the mediating role that adolescent mental health, particularly self-image, plays in the relationship between child maltreatment and subsequent adult sex offending.Methods
We utilize retrospective data from a sample of incarcerated sex offenders at a maximum security penitentiary located in Canada (N = 565).Results
Results indicate that poor self-image in adolescence partially mediates the relationship between child maltreatment and the extent of sex offending in adulthood.Conclusions
Implications for research, theory, and policy are discussed. 相似文献836.
Christina Mancini Amy Reckdenwald Eric Beauregard Jill S. Levenson 《Journal of criminal justice》2014
Purpose
Research has examined pornography use on the extent of offending. However, virtually no work has tested whether other sex industry experiences affect sex crime. By extension, the cumulative effect of these exposures is unknown. Social learning theory predicts that exposure should amplify offending. Separately, the developmental perspective highlights that the timing of exposure matters.Methods
Drawing on retrospective longitudinal data, we first test whether exposure during adolescence is associated with a younger age of onset; we also examine whether adulthood exposure is linked with greater frequency of offending.Results
Findings indicate that most types of adolescent exposures as well as total exposures were related to an earlier age of onset. Exposure during adulthood was also associated with an overall increase in sex offending, but effects were dependent on “type.”Conclusion
There are nuances in the effect of sex industry exposure on offending patterns. Implications of results are discussed. 相似文献837.
838.
Christina Mancini Amy K. Cook Jessica C. Smith Robyn McDougle 《Journal of school violence》2020,19(4):610-622
ABSTRACT Recently, states have enacted teacher-carry laws. While controversial, little scholarship has tapped public attitudes toward such reforms. Because public opinion shapes policy, the public is an important stakeholder in this debate. Thus, we investigated three questions. First, how supportive is the public of arming teachers? Second, what demographic and social divides exist, if any, for reform approval? Finally, do crime-related perceptions, concerning views about public safety, and criminogenic influences shape policy preferences? We test these questions using a 2018 poll of Virginia residents (N = 521). Overall, approval for teacher-carry is split. Crime-related perceptions mediate some of the initial social and demographic divides in opinion but other correlates, such as parental status, remain salient predictors of views. Implications are discussed. 相似文献
839.
We distinguish between (i) voting systems in which voters can rank candidates and (ii) those in which they can grade candidates, using two or more grades. In approval voting, voters can assign two grades only—approve (1) or not approve (0)—to candidates. While two grades rule out a discrepancy between the average-grade winners, who receive the highest average grade, and the superior-grade winners, who receive more superior grades in pairwise comparisons (akin to Condorcet winners), more than two grades allow it. We call this discrepancy between the two kinds of winners the paradox of grading systems, which we illustrate with several examples and whose probability we estimate for sincere and strategic voters through a Monte Carlo simulation. We discuss the tradeoff between (i) allowing more than two grades, but risking the paradox, and (ii) precluding the paradox, but restricting voters to two grades. 相似文献
840.
Hans-Jürgen Urban 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2018,28(1-2):91-122
The New Economic Governance (NEG) in the European Union is a core element of a neoliberal crisis constitutionalism that has to be seen as blatantly deficient when measured with democratic yardsticks. Strongly normative criticism generates important findings, but ignores the economic dimension of damage to democracy. From the perspective of capitalism theory, the NEG can be recognised as a product of a capitalistic land grab (“Landnahme”) of the political field and as a system of institutions whose functional logic corresponds to the imperative of a crisis-ridden economy characterised by the financial markets. In this context, viewpoints are confirmed that regard the integration of the economic causes of blatant deficits of democracy as an essential element of a new type of inclusive democracy project. The work on a new economic democracy as a core element of such a democracy project thus also becomes a desideratum for a public sociology that wishes to contribute evidence-based knowledge to social disputes. 相似文献