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331.
Does public policy respond to public opinion? Previous research suggests dynamic representation occurs in the aggregate. Yet, most of the evidence for policy response is limited to the policy intentions of elected officials on issues related to more or less government spending. We examine policy response to an alternative dimension of public mood, public preferences for more or less punitive criminal justice policies, using multiple indicators of policy from various stages of the policy-making process. Criminal justice policy should be responsive to public preferences given the public’s concern about crime and the negative social construction of criminals. Thus, there is an electoral incentive for public officials to respond to public preferences along this alternative dimension of public sentiment regarding criminal justice policy. We estimate a DYMIMIC model of federal criminal justice policy as a function of the multiple dimensions of public policy mood using Kalman filtering. The results indicate that criminal justice policy responds to the second, not the first, dimension of public mood. We find evidence that policy-makers at multiple stages of the policy process are able to differentiate among multiple signals from the public and respond appropriately. The results present a more sophisticated portrait of democratic responsiveness. 相似文献
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Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2009,46(1):21-28
The reception of David Riesman’s classic sociological work The Lonely Crowd exemplifies both the possibilities and perils of the work of public intellectuals. The book was almost universally misread
as a paean to inner-direction, and a lament upon the decline of the independent American spirit. But it was something rather
more different, and more complex, than either of these things. 相似文献
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In contemporary Russia and Ukraine, Pentecostalism carries with it commitments to civic engagement and democracy, strong bonds
of social capital, and the embracing of an entrepreneurial spirit. In this article, the authors analyze the origins of Pentecostalism
in Russia, Soviet methods of repression, and Pentecostal survival strategies. Continuing, the authors examine the political
efficacy of Pentecostals, their civic commitments, their embracing of the free market, and the strength and nature of social
capital among them. While the authors conclude that it is too soon to conclude that Pentecostalism will bring about democracy,
civil society, and free markets in Russia and Ukraine, they argue that Pentecostalism is proving itself a popular choice in
the contemporary religious marketplace and that choice is not without significant civic, economic, and political consequences. 相似文献
338.
Jonathan S. Morris 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):79-102
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis
of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher
during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily
based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused
much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous
physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party
conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These
relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic
ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent. 相似文献
339.
Sheila Jasanoff 《Society》2009,46(3):232-234
Aging research may significantly lengthen human life spans in the foreseeable future. This paper argues that we do not need to wait until this happens to prepare for the dislocations that may result. Increased longevity over the past century has already raised urgent, unresolved issues of equity, social cohesion, and human dignity. These developments, and our past experiences in dealing with them, provide a basis for revisiting the basic questions raised by all attempts to extend human life: what does life mean, and why is it worth extending? 相似文献
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