‘Domestic transnationalism’: legal advocacy for Mexican migrant workers' rights in Canada

Every year thousands of Mexicans travel to Canada to work in Canadian fields and greenhouses under the Mexico-Canada Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program. While the programme is often praised, it has also been the subject of persistent criticism about its failure to meet certain human rights standards. In this article, we examine the legal strategies civil society advocates of migrant workers have adopted to promote migrant workers' rights in Canada. Specifically, we examine legal struggles undertaken by the United Food and Commercial Workers union to challenge Ontario government legislation that does not permit collective bargaining by farmworkers in the province. We argue that this case demonstrates that despite the fact that many of the workers involved are transnationalized, appeals to international bodies or to international human rights standards have been of limited utility in promoting their rights. Despite frequent arguments about the increased relevance of international human rights and citizenship norms and transnational human rights advocacy, in this case the national and sub-national scales remain predominant. The result, we argue, is a form of ‘domestic transnationalism’, in which domestic political actors engage in advocacy within domestic legal institutions to promote the rights of a transnational mobile labour force.     

Propensity to support prison gangs: its relationship to gang membership,victimisation, aggression and other disruptive behaviours

Propensity to support prison gangs and its association with aggression, victimisation and disruptive behaviour is explored. The sample comprised 423 adult male prisoners from three Canadian prisons. Participants completed the PGB (Propensity to support Gang-related Behaviour scale) and DIPC-R (Direct and Indirect Prisoner behaviour Checklist-Revised). The former indicated gang membership propensity and included a direct question on whether or not participants considered themselves a gang member. It was hypothesised that prison-based aggression would be predicted by a propensity to support prison gangs and by gang membership. It was also hypothesised that aggression and disruptive behaviours would be reported more frequently by gang members than non-gang members. Propensity to support prison gangs was associated with aggression and other disruptive behaviours, as was actual gang membership. Aggression and other disruptive behaviours were reported more frequently by gang members. Prisoners reporting both aggression perpetration and victimisation simultaneously (i.e. ‘perpetrator/victims’) were over-represented as gang members. Gang membership did not appear to protect against being victimised. Propensity to support prison gangs was composed of beliefs that gangs were supportive, well-ordered and protective, and comprised of friends. The importance of accounting for propensity to support prison gangs and not just self-reported gang membership is discussed.     

Resisting the advance of the security state: The impact of frameworks of resistance on the UK'S securitisation agenda

From the turn of the new century, the UK witnessed an unprecedented advancement in the state's security apparatus. These developments and their human rights implications have been extensively documented by the socio-legal and wider academic community. However, less well-understood has been the forms of resistance which have placed fetters on the operation of state powers. This article identifies three dominant frameworks through which resistance to the ‘securitisation agenda’ has materialised. In doing so, we assess the relative ‘successes’ and ‘limitations’ of each framework. Ultimately, we seek to identify the frameworks that offer the greater transformative potential in promoting alternative forms of security to those promulgated by the ‘new terrorism’ discourse.     

Do campaign strategies and tactics matter? Exploring party elite perceptions of what matters when explaining election outcomes

In research on political campaign communication, it is often assumed that campaign strategies and tactics are highly important for explaining election outcomes. In contrast, most research in political science tends to emphasize the importance of political substance, long‐term factors such as party identification, and real‐world conditions for explaining election outcomes. Although political parties in practice treat election campaigns as highly important and consequential, there is virtually no research on how party elites perceive the importance of campaign strategies and tactics when explaining election outcomes. Hence, drawing on a survey among Swedish members of parliament, this study investigates party elite perceptions of what matters when people decide which party to vote for and of what matters when explaining election outcomes. In brief, the results show that members of parliament perceive campaign strategies and tactics as significantly less important than the substance of politics. In the concluding analysis, the implications of the results are analyzed. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Institutional Design and the Use of Direct Democracy: Evidence from the German Länder

Despite growing interest in direct democratic institutions, the empirical evidence on the relationship between institutional design and the actual use of popular rights remains rather sparse. The authors use a novel data set on institutional openness and test its link to the number of popular initiatives in the German Länder for the period of 1997–2005. Their empirical analysis reveals a strong and robust negative effect of higher institutional requirements on the number of popular initiatives in the 16 German Länder; whereas other factors appear to be of minor importance. They thus come to the conclusion that the comparatively high institutional hurdles in the Länder impose costs of initiation, thereby limiting the number of popular initiatives.     

Towards a Gender-Equal Bundestag? The Impact of Electoral Rules on Women’s Representation

Cross-sectional research designs show that proportional representation (PR) tends to produce more equitable outcomes in terms of gender representation. While existing research provides valuable insights into the covariates of gender representation, such cross-sectional designs fail to provide a definitive test of the influence of electoral rules both over time and in the case of mixed systems. Addressing this gap, this article proposes a longitudinal research design using the case of Germany, because half the Bundestag’s seats are allotted through majoritarian first-past-the-post methods, while the other half are allotted through proportional methods. The main findings point towards heavy interaction between the two electoral tiers that becomes visible in party quotas, double nominations and increased competitiveness of female candidates.     

Paternity analysis in deficiency cases with related putative fathers: simulation of a deficiency analysis in 27 families

During the last few years, the number of privately ordered paternity investigations has increased considerably. Probably due to financial reasons in more and more cases only the putative father and the child are investigated. Additionally, very often only one method, such as STR analysis, is employed. This raises the question whether such a reduced analysis leads to reliable and clear results when investigating cases with related putative fathers. We investigated 165 individuals from 27 families using the AmpFlSTRIdentifiler multiplex PCR and calculated the paternity probabilities of the children to their biological fathers, uncles, grand fathers and other relatives. In more than 30% less than three exclusions between child and relative were detected. In five cases no exclusions were found between child and uncle, always leading to paternity probabilities >99.9%. These results show that the calculation of high probabilities (>99.9%) does not necessarily lead to the accurate conclusion of fatherhood. In many of our cases misleadingly the brother of the real father or another close relative would have been declared to be the biological father.     

Parricide

Following a review of the literature on parricide, family violence theory is briefly explored regarding its applicability to understanding the parricidal family. Characteristics of the adult perpetrator, including the role of the victim, is discussed and two cases illustrating successful prevention are presented. Finally, two case illustrations are presented and the issue of preventive intervention based on the psychoeducation model is discussed.     

Development of a harmonized method for the profiling of amphetamines. I. Synthesis of standards and compilation of analytical data

Reference material was synthesised for 21 substances that are frequently present as synthetic impurities, i.e. by-products, in illicitly produced amphetamine. Each of these substances is a typical by-product for at least one of the three approaches most often used to synthesise amphetamine, namely, the Leuckart, the reductive amination of benzyl methyl ketone, and the nitrostyrene routes. A large body of data on the substances was recorded, including the following: mass spectra, ultraviolet spectra, Fourier transform infrared spectra, infrared spectra in gas phase, and 1H NMR and 13C NMR spectra.