全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1542篇 |
免费 | 53篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 77篇 |
工人农民 | 123篇 |
世界政治 | 242篇 |
外交国际关系 | 88篇 |
法律 | 723篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 322篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 10篇 |
2021年 | 16篇 |
2020年 | 43篇 |
2019年 | 42篇 |
2018年 | 54篇 |
2017年 | 61篇 |
2016年 | 53篇 |
2015年 | 53篇 |
2014年 | 52篇 |
2013年 | 203篇 |
2012年 | 54篇 |
2011年 | 48篇 |
2010年 | 47篇 |
2009年 | 47篇 |
2008年 | 52篇 |
2007年 | 47篇 |
2006年 | 80篇 |
2005年 | 81篇 |
2004年 | 55篇 |
2003年 | 60篇 |
2002年 | 61篇 |
2001年 | 32篇 |
2000年 | 42篇 |
1999年 | 26篇 |
1998年 | 23篇 |
1997年 | 22篇 |
1996年 | 20篇 |
1995年 | 20篇 |
1994年 | 20篇 |
1993年 | 16篇 |
1992年 | 11篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 13篇 |
1989年 | 21篇 |
1988年 | 14篇 |
1987年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 11篇 |
1983年 | 9篇 |
1982年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 5篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1595条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
961.
Margarita Vorsina Matthew Manning Christopher L. Ambrey Christine Smith 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(6):1066-1086
Data from 117 countries over the period 2006 to 2011 are used to estimate a macroeconomic cross-country system of equations that examines the association between terrorism, self-reported life satisfaction, and national income. Results indicate that terrorism is negatively associated with life satisfaction, whereas no such association is found between terrorism and real GDP per worker. Stark contrasts are found, however, between OECD and non-OECD members. In all, our results suggest that the social costs of terrorism are potentially much higher than the economic costs, and measuring only the conventional economic costs of terrorism significantly underestimates the true costs. 相似文献
962.
Ashley Grosso Étienne Charbonneau Gregg G. Van Ryzin 《International Public Management Journal》2017,20(1):160-181
Government performance measurement is often faulted for focusing on outputs, while citizens are said to demand more information on outcomes to hold government accountable. To compare the influence of these measures, we randomized 774 participants to receive outcome or output information about a real HIV prevention program, with or without cost information, in a survey experiment. Citizens expressed less support for spending on the program when shown outcomes (infections prevented), rather than outputs (people served). Showing participants the high cost of treating HIV/AIDS boosted support for program spending, but did not make outcome information more persuasive. We interpret these results as partly a reaction to the high per-unit cost of an outcome in an HIV prevention program. But it may reflect a tendency of citizens simply to misinterpret less costly outputs, including serving more people, as if these were outcomes. This bias has implications for performance reporting and accountability. 相似文献
963.
Kate Kenski Christine R. Filer Bethany A. Conway-Silva 《Journal of Political Marketing》2017,16(3-4):267-289
This study investigated the use of party and ideological labels and candidate names in major party candidate tweets (N?=?94,310) during the 2016 presidential preprimary and primary campaigns to understand the extent to which candidates focused on intraparty and interparty themes as a part of their marketing strategies. The results show that the candidates and their campaigns did not engage in heavy partisan labeling to cultivate their social media identities. Outsider candidates were not more likely to use party or ideological labels in their tweets than insider candidates were. The candidates focused on self-advocacy in their tweets. 相似文献
964.
Contrarily to most studies of the antecedents of public service motivation (PSM) focusing on the proximal work environment or personal characteristics, we seek to explore plausibly important deep antecedents of PSM that lie in the formative years of a person’s upbringing. Using an online survey of public service professionals that asked detailed background questions, we find that three deep antecedents are associated with lower overall PSM and its constitutive elements: growing up in a religious family, growing up in a family with a conservative point of view, and (surprisingly) being raised by a parent who served in the military. 相似文献
965.
Joris Van Ouytsel Michel Walrave Yu Lu Jeff R. Temple Koen Ponnet 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(11):2353-2370
While prior research has identified multiple associations between engagement in sexting and risky behaviors, most existing studies do not take into account the contexts in which sexting occurs. The present study extends prior research by examining whether the associations between adolescents’ sexting behavior and engagement in substance use, sexual behaviors, and deviant behaviors differ depending on the relational context (within or outside of a romantic relationship) in which young people engage in sexting. Results from a survey of 1187 secondary school students (61.3% girls, n?=?728) between 16 and 22 years old (M?=?17.82 years; SD?=?0.88) revealed that sexting with a romantic partner is not a significant marker of engagement in risk behaviors. However, single youth who engage in sexting outside of a romantic relationship are more likely to report substance use, relative to their non-sexting counterparts. These findings underscore the need to use more nuanced measures to investigate sexting and for sexual education initiatives to integrate messages about substance use. 相似文献
966.
Christine Sypnowich 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2018,21(3):314-332
AbstractPolitical philosophers are divided on the question of whether society should guide individuals in their projects and goals in light of the competing, yet overlapping, values of moral independence and human well-being. The lively neutralism-perfectionism debate appears to be significantly muted, however, when it comes to children who, all parties assume, should be guided by adults in their plans of life. Thus, in their stimulating new book, Family Values: the Ethics of Parent-Child Relationships, liberals Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift affirm the role of the family in directing and enabling children’s flourishing. My paper challenges this distinction between parents and children in the liberal position to argue that the idea that it is appropriate to direct children to enable them to flourish, entails in fact, a commitment to policies that promote and enable the flourishing of all. 相似文献
967.
Navin Kartik Richard Van Weelden Stephane Wolton 《American journal of political science》2017,61(4):958-970
We introduce a Downsian model in which policy‐relevant information is revealed to the elected politician after the election. The electorate benefits from giving the elected politician discretion to adapt policies to his information. But limits on discretion are desirable when politicians do not share the electorate's policy preferences. Optimal political representation generally consists of a mixture of the delegate (no discretion) and trustee (full discretion) models. Ambiguous electoral platforms are essential for achieving beneficial representation. Nevertheless, electoral competition does not ensure optimal representation: The winning candidate's platform is generally overly ambiguous. While our theory rationalizes a positive correlation between ambiguity and electoral success, it shows that the relationship need not be causal. 相似文献
968.
969.
970.
Bean FD Feliciano C Lee J Van Hook J 《The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science》2009,621(1):202-220
The implications of recent immigration for race relations in the United States depend importantly on family cultural orientations among Mexican Americans and how this group is culturally perceived by Anglos. Because Moynihan's 1965 work (in)famously emphasized the need to change black family culture in order to ameliorate black poverty, his work still holds implications for understanding how cultural orientations affect changing color lines. Unfortunately, his partially insightful analyses inadequately foresaw that policies designed to alleviate poverty through the modification of family cultural patterns are likely to fail without parallel changes in structural opportunities. Similar limitations also often emerge from mis-characterizations of Mexican origin family cultural situations, which all too often are incongruously reified as either being unduly familistic (thus falsely implying Mexican origin families foster self-sufficiency) or largely governed by culture of poverty tendencies (thus inaccurately suggesting Mexican origin families depend on welfare). Here we review research suggesting that Mexican origin families are neither substantially familistic nor disproportionately susceptible to moral hazard, thus indicating that future Mexican origin economic advancement is likely to turn on the availability of structural opportunities. In-depth interviews with Anglos further suggest that Mexicans are not culturally viewed with the same degree of prejudice and discrimination as blacks, implying that the integration of Mexicans into American society, contingent on adequate economic opportunity, will probably progress more steadily than often feared, while that of blacks may proceed more slowly than often expected. 相似文献