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161.
Christoph Arndt 《Scandinavian political studies》2014,37(2):149-170
Recent elections yielded sweeping majorities for the centre‐right in Scandinavia with a decade of pure centre‐right majorities in Denmark and the longest sitting centre‐right coalition in Sweden for decades. This is a blind spot in the issue voting literature, which would not expect centre‐right parties to flourish in contexts where welfare issues have a natural salience as in the case of universal welfare states. In contrast, Scandinavian universal welfare states ought to benefit social democracy when it comes to issue voting on welfare issues. It is argued in this article that centre‐right parties can beat social democrats by credibly converging to its social democratic opponent on issues of universal welfare. Issue ownership voting to the benefit of centre‐right parties will then be strongest among voters perceiving the centre‐right to have converged to social democracy and perceiving the centre‐right as issue‐owner. Using Danish National Election Studies, 1998–2007, the article shows that the Danish Liberal Party outperformed the Social Democrats on traditional welfare issues among those voters perceiving the Liberals to be ideologically close to the social democrats. The findings help us to understand why centre‐right parties have recently turned into serious competitors on social democracy's turf: the universal welfare state. 相似文献
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Dr. iur. Christoph Palme 《Natur und Recht》2008,30(2):69-78
Zusammenfassung Im Folgenden wird die mit dem europ?ischen Naturschutz- und Artenschutzrecht begonnene Rechtsprechungsübersicht
fortgesetzt. Berücksichtigt sind alle im Jahr 2006 ergangenen umweltrechtlichen Urteile zu anderen
Themen als dem europ?ischen Naturschutz- und Artenschutzrecht. 相似文献
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HOW MUCH COLLUSION? A META-ANALYSIS OF OLIGOPOLY EXPERIMENTS 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Oligopoly has been among the first topics in experimental economics.Over half a century, some 150 papers have been published. Eachindividual paper was interested in demonstrating one effect,but in order to do so, experimenters had to specify many moreparameters. Thus they have generated a huge body of evidence,untapped so far. This meta-analysis makes this evidence available.More than 100 of the papers lend themselves to calculating anindex of collusion. The database behind this paper covers some500 different settings. The experimental results may be normalizedas a percentage of the span between the Walrasian and the Paretooutcomes. In the same way, results may be expressed as a percentageof the distance between the Nash and the Pareto outcomes. Foreach and every one of the parameters, these two indices makeit possible to answer two questions: How far is the market outcomeaway from the competitive equilibrium? And how good is the Nashprediction? Most importantly, however, the meta-analysis shedslight on how features of the experimental setting interact witheach other. Most main effects and many interaction effects areindeed statistically significant. 相似文献
168.
Christoph Zürcher 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(5):839-854
Over the last two decades, billions in aid money has been spent in highly insecure regions of conflict affected states in the hope that aid would lead to less violence and more stability. A recent wave of academic work on the impact of aid on violence has now amassed convincing empirical evidence that this hope is futile. Aid injected in highly insecure regions, where violence is a reality and insurgents retain some capacities, will increase, not dampen violence. This essay first provides a summary of the findings of the recent empirical literature. It then demonstrates that two causal mechanisms – predation and sabotage – explain why aid in highly insecure settings will likely lead to less, not more, stability. The essay then exemplifies these two causal mechanisms, using original qualitative and quantitative data from Afghanistan. It ends with a discussion of the implications for donors engaged in countries affected by conflict. 相似文献
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Christoph Lorke 《The History of the Family》2019,24(3):560-584
ABSTRACTThe article deals with the consequences of the increasing presence of Chinese citizens in Germany since the end of the nineteenth century. Their presence also repeatedly led to marriages with German women, which challenged by the media, the public and state authorities in many ways. This articles focuses initially on the symbolic and institutional-administrative treatment of such marriages between the German Empire and National Socialism. It identifies a wealth of exclusion mechanisms in a highly regulative migration regime. The following sections interpret these developments in light of the broader gender-political and transnational contexts. 相似文献
170.