首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   777篇
  免费   15篇
各国政治   48篇
工人农民   8篇
世界政治   38篇
外交国际关系   31篇
法律   532篇
中国政治   5篇
政治理论   128篇
综合类   2篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   10篇
  2019年   13篇
  2018年   19篇
  2017年   26篇
  2016年   18篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   21篇
  2013年   40篇
  2012年   14篇
  2011年   34篇
  2010年   22篇
  2009年   22篇
  2008年   21篇
  2007年   34篇
  2006年   27篇
  2005年   27篇
  2004年   16篇
  2003年   28篇
  2002年   23篇
  2001年   42篇
  2000年   25篇
  1999年   22篇
  1998年   5篇
  1997年   13篇
  1996年   6篇
  1995年   8篇
  1994年   4篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   12篇
  1990年   12篇
  1989年   17篇
  1988年   19篇
  1987年   9篇
  1986年   16篇
  1985年   16篇
  1984年   12篇
  1983年   5篇
  1981年   15篇
  1980年   5篇
  1979年   7篇
  1978年   7篇
  1977年   8篇
  1976年   5篇
  1975年   11篇
  1974年   12篇
  1973年   11篇
  1972年   3篇
  1971年   4篇
  1970年   3篇
排序方式: 共有792条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
651.
In this article, we assess the changing role of the European Commission in EU environmental policy. In line with organizational theory, we expect organizational hypocrisy, namely a decoupling of talk, decisions, and actions, to characterize the Commission's behaviour in the aftermath of the financial and economic crisis. We analyse the extent to which the Commission (1) promotes environmental matters and concepts in press releases and public statements; (2) proposes new and stricter environmental policy changes; and (3) takes action against member states in cases of non-compliance between the years 2000 and 2016. Our empirical analysis reveals that the Commission has indeed moved towards a pattern of hypocritical policy entrepreneurship in the post-crisis period. We argue that the decoupling of talk, decision, and action allows the European Commission to keep up its reputation as an environmental policy entrepreneur while, at the same, satisfying member states’ preference for economic recovery and less environmental regulation.  相似文献   
652.
Public Choice - Many political systems with direct democracy mechanisms have adopted rules preventing decisions from being made by simple majority rule. The device added most commonly to majority...  相似文献   
653.
The “hearts and minds” model of combating rebellions holds that civilians are less likely to support violent opposition groups if the government provides public services and security. Building on this model, we argue that a political event that raises popular expectations of future public service and security provision increases support for the government and decreases sympathy for violent opposition groups. To test this argument, we leverage a unique research design opportunity that stems from the unforeseen announcement of the resignation of Iraq's divisive prime minister in August 2014 while an original survey was being administered across the country. We show that the leadership transition led Iraq's displeased Sunni Arab minority to shift support from the violent opposition to the government. In line with our argument, this realignment was due to rising optimism among Sunni Arabs that the new government would provide services and public goods—specifically security, electricity, and jobs.  相似文献   
654.
Sustainable Development Principles are fundamental to addressing environmental protection issues in Nigeria’s oil industry. The paper examined sustainable development in its globally accepted meaning. Furthermore, this principle of environmental protection has in recent years evolved into international standards popularly called global best practices. The objective of the paper is to examine the sustainable development principle and its relevance in addressing the environmental challenges in Nigeria’s oil industry.  相似文献   
655.
This article addresses registration fees for same-sex unions and the number of registered gay couples in the German state of Baden-Württemberg. In contrast to the other 15 German states, in Baden-Württemberg each administrative district decides independently about the level of registration fees. Consequently, there is not only considerable variation of the number of registered gay couples across the individual administrative units, but also among the registration fees, which we seek to explain by relying on theories of public administration, policy analysis and political economy. Our findings show that the varying levels of registration fees for same-sex unions are primarily determined by the preferences of parties in the regional legislative committees. In this way, we can demonstrate that the definition of registration fees is politicised, which contradicts the legal principles of equivalency and cost recovery.  相似文献   
656.
Unionization of health care facilities has grown significantly over the last twenty years. More than 20 percent of American hospitals have one or more union contracts and an equal percentage of the industry's labor force is represented for collective bargaining purposes. Union membership is concentrated in the Northeast, Upper Midwest and Pacific Coast and is to be found particularly among large metropolitan hospitals. Although many different unions are actively organizing in the health care industry four labor organizations predominate: American Federation of State, County, Municipal Workers; Service Employees International Union; National Union of Hospital and Health Care Workers - District 1199; and the American Nurses Association.

One of the obstacles to union growth for many years was the absence of Federal legal regulation of labor relations. In 1974 Congress amended the so-called Taft Hartley Act to cover private nonprofit hospitals, the largest component of the industry. Since 1974 the application of Federal labor law has resolved old problems that arose from the lack of a basis to handle recognition disputes but at the same time created new issues. Among these issues are such legal questions as the legitimacy of the ANA to act as a labor organization, the proper bargaining classification for registered nurses, and the proper role in labor relations for hired consultants.

The growth of unions in health care raised concern that collective bargaining would impose onerous new burdens on an industry already hard pressed financially. Research indicates, however, that the impact on hospital costs have not been great -- perhaps on the order of an increase of 10 percent over what would be the case in the absence of unions. The greatest effects seem to be in the area of fringe benefits, working conditions, and the provision for grievance machinery.

Special problems have arisen in conjunction with the unionization of registered nurses. This particular category of health care workers occupies a strategic position in the hospital's work force. After a slow start nurse bargaining activity has come rapidly particularly as nonnursing unions such as 1199, SEIU, and the American Federation of Teachers have forced the ANA to respond to their efforts to make inroads among nurses.

Union growth in the industry seems to have stabilized for the time being without the prospect for much change in the remaining years of the decade. Incidence of conflict has been relatively low compared to other industries and this also shows little likelihood of change. While some visible signs of conflict over representation rights still remain collective bargaining is moving rapidly into an era of mutual accommodation.  相似文献   
657.
658.
传统上市公司股东主权治理模式导致公司在经营中唯利是图,引发了一系列社会问题,进而影响了企业的可持续发展。企业社会责任理论提出了利益相关者共同治理模式以实现企业自身与社会的共同发展,但却缺乏可操作性。我国未来上市公司治理模式,应基于股东主权模式与利益相关者共同治理模式的交叉与协调,实现利益相关者共同治理方式的多样化,并培育可持续发展的上市公司治理文化。  相似文献   
659.
The paper analyzes the influence of institutional change on the transition from school to work in Russia during socialism and the transition period. Using information from the “Education and Employment Survey for Russia” and comparing the birth cohorts 1949–1986, we analyze the duration of the respondents’ first job episode and the transition out of the first job. The results document shorter first job durations, increasing risks of unemployment and, in the case of women, more rapid transitions out of the labor market. However, the basic patterns of transition from education to job positions continued to exist. Thus, the transition from school to work in Russia did not experience an abrupt change but a gradual adjustment to the new economic order.  相似文献   
660.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号