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791.
792.
Christopher Mole 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):441-458
It has recently been suggested that philosophy – in particular, epistemology – has a contribution to make to the analysis of criminal and military intelligence. The present article pursues this suggestion, taking three phenomena that have recently been studied by philosophers, and showing that they have important implications for the gathering and sharing of intelligence, and for the use of intelligence in the determining ofstrategy. The phenomena discussed are: (1) Simpson's Paradox, (2) the distinction between resiliency and reliability of data, and (3) the Causal Markov Condition. 相似文献
793.
In this article, the authors address the recent trajectory of local e‐government in the United States and compare it with the predictions of early e‐government writings, using empirical data from two nationwide surveys of e‐government among American local governments. The authors find that local e‐government has not produced the results that those writings predicted. Instead, its development has largely been incremental, and local e‐government is mainly about delivering information and services online, followed by a few transactions and limited interactivity. Local e‐government is also mainly one way, from government to citizens, and there is little or no evidence that it is transformative in any way. This disparity between early predictions and actual results is partly attributable to the incremental nature of American public administration. Other reasons include a lack of attention by early writers to the history of information technology in government and the influence of technological determinism on those writings. 相似文献
794.
Christopher Rowe 《The Modern law review》2022,85(1):105-132
In 2012 the Government made a number of controversial changes to the Immigration Rules, which it claimed would ‘comprehensively reform the approach taken towards ECHR Article 8 in immigration cases’. This paper examines the judicial response, arguing that the courts ‘fell into line’, adapting human rights law to the government's aims through unprincipled and opportunistic techniques, whilst inflicting hardship and injustice on working-class British citizens in particular. Four key moves are identified. First, the courts created an ‘incapable’ test which immunised the rules from in principle challenges. Second, Lord Bingham's Article 8 test, in which the reasonableness of any family member relocation was a central consideration, was replaced with a far less family-friendly test. Third, the courts adopted an ultra-lax rationality test at common law, even when the ‘fundamental rights’ of British citizens were engaged. Finally, the courts identified immigration policy as the ‘constitutional responsibility’ of the executive. 相似文献
795.
Ugwu Ikenga Patrick Ugwuoke Christopher Uchechukwu Okpara Kelechi Emmanuel 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2022,77(4):363-379
Crime, Law and Social Change - Emerging reports are increasingly implicating Christian clerics in array of unlawful and criminal behaviours, thus questioning the deterrence efficacy of Christianity... 相似文献
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Sullivan CJ Veysey BM Hamilton ZK Grillo M 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2007,51(5):555-577
For a number of reasons, researchers and policy makers are now focusing on diversion of youth from the juvenile justice system. This study examines New York State's diversion efforts focused on youth with mental health and substance abuse problems who are at risk of out-of-community placement (N = 2,309). Twelve counties participated in the Mental Health Juvenile Justice (MH/JJ) Diversion Project. Overall, the initiative was successful in reducing out-of-community placement and recidivism for diverted youth. In regression analysis site, services received, and problem-profile variables were important predictors of out-of-community placement. Prior record, prior placement, and significant mental health problems were statistically significant predictors of recidivism. This suggests some contrasts in explaining the results of two important goals of the MH/JJ project. Study results and implications for future research and intervention are discussed. 相似文献
799.
Christopher P. Dinkel 《American Business Law Journal》2023,60(4):749-792
Although policymakers have recently shown a keen interest in noncompete reform, a gap exists in the literature concerning what the U.S. public's preferences are regarding noncompetes. Therefore, this article presents the empirical findings of a nationally-representative survey of the American public on the noncompete law governing employees. Based on the results of a conjoint experiment within the survey, this article finds that the U.S public prefers that noncompetes be used to protect any types of confidential information, rather than simply customer lists or employee training investments. Additionally, the findings do not show clear support either for or against noncompete exemptions based on an employee's earnings level. However, this article finds that the U.S. public prefers a noncompete exemption for physicians, a shorter maximum duration for the noncompete period, and a legal mandate that departing employees subject to noncompetes receive some compensation from the employer during the noncompete period. Consequently, this article argues that employers should engage in greater self-regulation if they would like to mitigate the risk not only that legislators will respond to public sentiment favoring more employee-friendly policies by enacting a total or near-total ban on noncompetes, but also that judges will find the noncompetes to be unreasonable. 相似文献
800.
Christopher K. Colley 《中东政策》2023,30(1):62-82
For the past 15 years, there have been increasing calls for the United States to reduce its overseas force structure and to bring troops home. Such discussion accelerated during the Trump administration, and perceptions of American retrenchment were heightened by President Joe Biden's decision to withdraw from Afghanistan. This article asks the key question: Is Washington really engaging in a systematic pullout from the Middle East? Based on publicly available evidence, I argue that, contrary to common perceptions, the American military is actually increasing its forward presence in the Arabian Peninsula and Gulf region. In addition, I contend that the two other states that have the potential to replace the United States in the Middle East, Russia and China, are for multiple reasons incapable of doing so. In addition to puncturing the myths, the article contributes to the ongoing policy debates and theoretical literatures regarding Middle East security and great-power competition. 相似文献