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361.
Rebecca Harding 《German politics》2013,22(1):66-88
This article reviews the economic position of Germany in an era of increased internationalisation of economic activity. Since unification there have been worrying trends in the German economy: in particular, high unemployment, increasing government debt and a substantial increase in the overseas activities of Germany's major companies. However, this article argues that the micro‐economy in general, and the institutional structures inherent to the social market economy of post‐war Germany in particular, are strong. Indeed, only by understanding the historical interrelationships between the individual structures of the German social market economy is it possible to appreciate the continued strength of the German economy. 相似文献
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365.
Christopher Rhodes 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(2):224-249
AbstractRecognising the impact of religion on state action, this article identifies two variables that interact to affect the type and level of violence employed by Western states against Third World targets. First, variation in the degree to which the prominent Christian denominations and organisations within these states view evangelisation as either an individual-level or national-level process – Christian individualism vs Christian nationalism – has determined church support for using violence as a tactic. Second, the level of influence that churches and missionary organisations have over their home states affects the ability of Christian actors to directly impact state actions. Western violence against Third World peoples is expected to be lowest when churches and Christian organisations view evangelisation in primarily individualistic terms and have significant influence over the state. The article examines the relationships between concepts of evangelisation, Christian influence over state policies, and levels of violence against the Third World by examining British, French and German colonialism during the late colonial period of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 相似文献
366.
Political branding has developed into an established and vibrant sub-discipline of political marketing. Indeed, political branding research continues to push boundaries by critically applying consumer based branding theories, concepts and frameworks to the political environment. Recently, political branding scholars have segmented research into different categories such as corporate, candidate, leader, local-regional, internal or external in orientation. Despite this development, there continues to be limited research on alternative or different typologies of political brands. This study reaffirms political branding as a distinct area of research and discusses how political brands can be conceptualised and operationalised. Further, drawing on seven empirical and conceptual papers, which focus on different typologies of political brands from a range of international contexts including Canada, USA, Iceland, Indonesia and India, we reflect on the current political branding environment. We conclude that there are multiple relationships and numerous interconnected political brands, which represent an intricate environment or ecosystem. This study offers academics and political actors guidance on how to conceptualise political brands and provides a starting point to map out the ecosystems of political brands. Finally, this study provides explicit calls for further research in political branding. 相似文献
367.
Christopher J. Kukucha 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2005,48(4):506-527
Abstract: International and domestic developments have a direct impact on forest policy in British Columbia. At the domestic level, the BC government maintains significant control over softwood lumber as a result of provincial land ownership, executive dominance, and the role of the Ministry of Forests. This is reinforced by a close relationship between the bureaucracy and key industry associations. Under the New Democratic Party government of the 1990s, however, the policy relevance of environment, labour, and aboriginal groups increased. The election of the BC Liberals, however, diminished these interests, with the possible exception of First Nations groups. It is also important, however, to acknowledge the significance of international developments. Institutionally, these pressures contributed to bureaucratic restructuring and a changing “culture” within the Ministry of Forests. Industry relations have also been influenced by consolidation of ownership, bilateral lumber disputes with the United States, and the increasing role of non‐elected legal representatives. In addition, environment and labour interests were empowered by external funding, high export demands, and a low Canadian dollar. Although these developments have created an increasingly complex policy process, it is apparent that domestic considerations remain dominant, especially traditional participants, such as the Ministry of Forests and other specific setoral interests. Sommaire: Les developements nationaux et internationaux ont des répercussions directes sur la politique forestière en Colombie‐Britannique. À l'échelle nationale, le gouvernement de la C.‐B. maintient un important contrôle sur le bois d'evre en rai‐son de la propriété foncière provinciale, de la dominance de I'exécutif, et du rôle du ministere des ForCts. Ceci est renforcb par des liens étroits entre la bureaucratie et les associations clés de l'industrie. Cependant, sous le gouvernement du Nouveau Parti Démocratique des années 1990, la pertinence des politiques des groupes environne‐mentaux, syndicaux et autochtones s'est accrue. L'élection des Libéraux et C.‐B. a réduit ces intéréts, a l'exception des groupes des Premières Nations. Cependant, il faut aussi reconnaître l'importance des développements intemationaux. Sur le plan institutionnel, ces pressions ont contribuéà une restructuration bureaucratique et a l'évolution de la « culture » au sein du ministère des Forê Les relations indus‐trielles ont aussi été influencées par une consolidation de la propriété, les conflits bilatéraux avec les États‐Unis au sujet du bois, et le rde croissant des mandataires légaux non élus. En outre, les intér& environnementaux et de main‐d'aeuvre ont vu leurs pouvoirs accrus par le financement externe, les demandes d'exportation Plevees et la faiblesse du dollar canadien. Quoique ces changements aient Créé un processus de politiques de plus en plus complexe, il est évident que les considérations nationales dominent, en particulier celles qui sont préconisées par les participants traditionnels, comme le ministére des Forêts et d'autres intérêts sectoriels particuliers. 相似文献
368.
Christopher Berry 《American journal of political science》2008,52(4):802-820
This article discusses the common‐pool problems that arise when multiple territorially overlapping governments share the authority to provide services and levy taxes in a common geographic area. Contrary to the traditional Tiebout model in which increasing the number of competing governments improves efficiency, I argue that increasing the number of overlapping governments results in “overfishing” from the shared tax base. I test the model empirically using data from U.S. counties and find a strong positive relationship between the number of overlapping jurisdictions and the size of the local public sector. Substantively, the “overlap effect” amounts to roughly 10% of local revenue. 相似文献
369.
Christopher S. Decker 《Regulation & Governance》2007,1(4):312-328
This paper considers the level of, and changes in, optimal noncompliance penalties under the following conditions: (i) where the regulator responsible for setting policy parameters, such as a penalty, is different from (and thus may have a different objective from) the regulator responsible for enforcing existing regulations; and (ii) where enforcement behavior changes from one in which enforcers are unresponsive to overtures on the part of firms to increase compliance to one in which enforcers are responsive to such overtures. The model developed shows that when enforcers “switch” from unresponsive to responsive enforcement, the optimal penalties for noncompliance need to be reduced. The analysis also gives insights as to what variables dictate the degree of penalty reduction. 相似文献
370.
Christopher B. Mann 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):387-407
Using social pressure to mobilize voters has generated impressive increases in turnout (Gerber et al. Am Polit Sci Rev 102:33–48,
2008). However, voters may have negative reactions to social pressure treatments that reduce their effectiveness. Social psychologists
have observed this ‘reactance’ to persuasive pressure about other behavior, but it has been overlooked in voter mobilization.
Using a large-scale field experiment, we find treatments designed to reduce reactance are just as effective as heavy-handed
social pressure treatments in mobilizing voters. The success of gentler social pressure treatments should make the use of
social pressure more palatable to voter mobilization organizations. 相似文献