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951.
Rabinowitz and Macdonald (Am Polit Sci Rev 83(1):93–121, 1989) have advanced a directional theory of electoral choice that
stands as an alternative to the proximity models that have dominated thinking in this area for a number of years. In this
paper, we assess the utility of directional theory in another area of political behavior: the evaluation and influence of
politically significant others in an individual’s social environment. Using two datasets collected during presidential election
campaigns in 1984 and 1996, we find that respondents are more likely to evaluate their political discussants highly and be
influenced by discussant vote choice if they agree in a directional rather than proximity manner. In looking at agreement
on party identification, ideology, and issue positions, the directional model prevailed in 11 of 17 estimations, with neither
explanation acquiring empirical support in the other six. In no instance did the proximity model prevail as an explanation
of how political discussants relate to each other. We conclude by discussing the consequences of these results for political
behavior and practical electoral politics.
相似文献
Eric JennerEmail: |
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Paul Goren Christopher M. Federico Miki Caul Kittilson 《American journal of political science》2009,53(4):805-820
This article examines the conditions under which partisan identities shape the positions people express on four political values: equal opportunity, self-reliance, moral traditionalism, and moral tolerance. The theoretical framework posits that (1) party source cues activate latent partisan biases in the minds of citizens, which in turn affect the degree to which individuals express support for these values; (2) out-party cues are more powerful motivators of value expression than in-party cues; (3) value shifts are more pronounced when liberal-conservative identities reinforce partisan sentiments; and (4) partisan cues promote horizontal constraint among these values. These hypotheses are tested using data from a set of experiments appearing on a novel national survey. The empirical results generally support these theoretical expectations. 相似文献
953.
Korea's more complete integration into the world economy has been stunted by past government policies aimed at preserving comprehensive control over the domestic economy. This situation has recently changed owing to prevailing structural weaknesses in the Korean economy and the dictates of the global competitive environment. Consequently, the level of Korean overseas investment has escalated, particularly in Europe — the Triad region which has traditionally attracted limited inward FDI from Korea's large chaebol companies. This paper examines the determining forces that lie behind this trend. It is recognized that early Korean investments in the EU were principally driven by reactionary motives when confronted by actual or anticipated policy threats. While it is argued that the pretext for such investment has not significantly diminished, the imperatives of globalization together with emerging economic conditions in both east and west Europe have provided considerable incentives for more proactive FDI strategies to be adopted. The recent announcements by senior chaebol of intended large‐scale investments in Europe suggest that this new pattern is becoming increasingly apparent. 相似文献
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It is generally agreed that China has a poor domestic human rights practice. In contrast, China has a better-than-average voting record on human rights in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Based on a new UNGA human rights dataset that we identified, we found that since joining the United Nations (UN) in 1971, China voted in the affirmative on human rights resolutions 79 % of the time, compared to the world average favoring ratio of 75 %. This positive image of consistently voting in the affirmative on UNGA human rights resolutions suggests a second image of China’s human rights. However, while the Chinese government is willing to accept the international human rights regime, it also strategically alters its endorsement of UNGA human rights resolutions based on changing levels of domestic threats. 相似文献
956.
Christopher Waters 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2016,62(1):159-159
When Britain Saved the West: The Story of 1940. By Robin Prior (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2015), pp.xxi + 335. AU$55.00 (cloth), distributed in Australia by Footprint Books. 相似文献
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Christopher J. Murphy 《Intelligence & National Security》2019,34(5):688-702
This article considers an episode of the television drama-documentary series Spy!, broadcast on the British Broadcasting Corporation in 1980. The programme proved controversial owing to its depiction of a physical assault during interrogation at an MI5 facility, Camp 020, during the Second World War. Numerous 020 veterans complained, pointing out that, with one exception, such physical violence had never taken place there. As their complaints were largely made in private correspondence with the BBC, which stood by its programme, the association of wartime British intelligence with physical abuse was allowed to go unchallenged in the minds of the viewing public. 相似文献
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