Simon Chesterman,One Nation Under Surveillance: A New Social Contract to Defend Freedom Without Sacrificing Liberty

Brigadier General Denis Whitaker and Shelagh Whitaker, Dieppe: Tragedy to Triumph (Toronto and Montreal: McGraw‐Hill Ryerson, 1992). Pp.xvi + 372.

David Kahn, Seizing the Enigma: The Race to Break the German U‐boat Codes, 1939–1943 (Boston/London: Houghton Mifflin Company/Souvenir Press, 1991). Pp. xii + 336. US $24.95; £15.99.

Dino A. Brugioni, Eyeball to Eyeball: The Inside Story of the Cuban Missile Crisis (New York: Random House, 1991). Pp. 9 + 622. US $35.00.

James Dubro and Robin Rowland, Undercover: Cases of the RCMP ‘s Most Secret Operative (Markham, Ontario: Octopus Publishing, 1991). Pp. 314. $28.95.

Stephen J. Cimbala, Clausewitz and Escalation: Classical Perspective on Nuclear Strategy (London: Frank Cass, 1991). Pp. 218. £32.00.

Roger Carey and Trevor C. Salmon (eds), International Security in the Modern World (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1992). Pp. 241. £40.00.

Philip M. Taylor, War and Media: Propaganda and Persuasion in the Gulf War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). Pp. 14 + 338; index. £9.95.

Alex Danchev (ed.), International Perspectives on the Falklands Conflict (London: Macmillan, 1992). Pp. xii + 277. £40.00.

Alex Danchev (ed.), The Franks Report: Falkland Islands Review (London: Pimlico, 1992). Pp. xxiv+106. £9.00.

Andrew Orgill, The Falklands War: Background, Conflict, Aftermath. An Annotated Bibliography (London: Mansell, 1993). Pp. xii + 132. £35.00.

R. Connaughton, Military Intervention in the 1990s (London: Routledge, 1992). Pp. 208. £40.00.

Steven Z. Freiberger, Dawn Over Suez: The Rise of American Power in the Middle East, 1953–1957 (Chicago, IL: Ivan R. Dee, 1992). Pp. 286. US $26.50.

Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945–55 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). Pp. ix +371. US $27.95.

David Cesarani, Justice Delayed: How Britain became a Refuge for Nazi War Criminals (London: Heinemann, 1992). Pp. 326. £17.50.

Gary S. Messinger, British Propaganda and the State in the First World War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). Pp. x + 292. £35.00.

Bradley F. Smith, The Ultra‐Magic Deals and the Most Secret Special Relationship 1940–1946 (Novalo, CA/Shrewsbury: Presidio Press/Airline Press). Pp. 176. $24.95; £17.95.

Peter R. Young (ed.), Defence and the Media in Time of Limited War (London: Frank Cass, 1992). Pp. 281. £30.00.

James Wood, A History of International Broadcasting (London: Peter Peregrinus, in association with the Science Museum, London, No. 19 in the Institution of Electrical Engineers’ History of Technology Series, 1992). Pp.264. £30.00.

Frank McLynn, Fitzroy Maclean (London: John Murray, 1992). Pp. 418. £25.00.

Peter Tennant, Touchlines of War (Hull: University of Hull Press, 1992). Pp. 312. £8.95.

Richard J. Aldrich (editor), British Intelligence, Strategy and the Cold War 1945–51 (London: Routledge, 1992). Pp. xiv + 347. £50.00 (hardback).     

Problems and opportunities in Polanyian analysis today

Abstract

The three books under review in this article all demonstrate the beginnings of a shift in the tone of literature on or derived from the work of Karl Polanyi. On one hand, the authors all show a willingness to admit a variety of problems and weaknesses in his work. But on the other hand, it is precisely this degree of critical introspection that enables the authors under review to identify some of the most important and contemporarily relevant aspects of Polanyi's thought. In the two main sections of this article – on Polanyi's concepts of ‘embeddedness’ and ‘double movement’ – I define the problems highlighted in previous iterations of Polanyian literature, moving on to examine how the texts under review address those problems, laying particular emphasis on the ideational components of Polanyi's thought. I conclude by suggesting future directions for Polanyian scholarship, mooting the possibility of a distinctively ‘post-Polanyian’ perspective in which ideas, discourse and framing are placed centre stage.     

“Another World is Possible”: Theorizing the Radical Politics of Democracy,North and South

This article examines the cultural politics of organizing in the Occupy LA movement. Utilizing ethnographic methods and the analysis of digital media sources produced by a variety of Occupy activists, this study focuses on how members of Occupy LA, in the post camp eviction period, made efforts to infuse a new kind of class politics among members of the newly and structurally dispossessed in the Los Angeles area. It focuses mainly on their efforts to build bridges among a variety of community based social movements during specific actions such as May Day 2012 and their efforts to ally themselves with organizations fighting the gentrification of Downtown Los Angeles and Skid Row in particular. Utilizing the theoretical lens of David Harvey's notion of “accumulation by dispossession” it concludes that Occupy LA has helped to open up new opportunities for rethinking the concept of “class consciousness” and its relationship to the structural dispossession of black and Latino communities. It also concludes that while this new politics is tentative and fragile, it has also opened up a creativity in thinking through the practical organizational issues of dealing with organizing across lines of race, class, and gender.     

The Islamic State and the New Tribalism

This article focuses on the apocalyptic zeitgeist of the Islamic State through the lens of what we call the New Tribalism. It finds that IS emerged from the Al Qaeda (AQ) milieu, but soon split with AQ as the messianic excitement surrounding Al-Baghdadi and his teachings grew. In common with previous millennial/messianic movements in all three “Peoples of the Book”—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—IS soon evolved beyond the laws of the normative faith (antinomianism). We hold that for this reason, despite its claims of faith and fealty, IS has left the Islamic Umah behind, becoming a malign sectarian group of its own whose dynamism and successes are attracting a global audience and support from Muslims in almost every country. This helps to explain such abhorrent practices as forced conversion, sexual servitude, the destruction of historic artifacts, and mass executions. We find that the American invasion of Iraq was the vital first step in a series of events, which gave birth to IS. A thorough review of IS history and political culture traces these historic moments in time.     

Books reviews

Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro‐American Radical Right, New Brunswick, NJ and London: Rutgers University Press, 1998. Pp.248. $52 (cloth); $22 (paper). ISBN 0 8135 2563 2 (cloth); 0 8135 2564 0 (paper).

Chuka Onwumechili, African Democratization and Military Coups, Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1998. Pp.121. $49.95 (cloth). ISBN 0–275–96325‐X.

R. Falkenrath, R. Newman and B. Thayer, America's Achilles’ Heel: Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical Terrorism and Covert Attack, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998. $22.50. ISBN 0–262–56118–2.     

The Politics of Restitution: The 1964–66 Labour Government’s Policy Towards Ireland

This article analyzes Harold Wilson’s policy towards the Republic of Ireland during the first eighteen months of his government. This article will demonstrate that the Labour government embarked upon a concerted effort to improve Anglo-Irish relations. In particular, the Labour government acceded to the Irish government’s time-honoured request to repatriate the remains of Roger Casement, and returned the flag that had flown over the General Post Office during the 1916 Rising. How successful these gestures were is a moot point. In the short-term it almost certainly did create a climate of goodwill between the British and Irish governments. In the longer-term, however, it could be argued these gestures served to stimulate republican sentiment in Ireland, and perhaps contributed to heightening the tensions within Northern Ireland in the late 1960s.     

“A Very Great Clerk”: Sir Ronald Campbell and the Fall Of France,May–June 1940 1

Sir Ronald H. Campbell was the first British ambassador during the Second World War to manage a key bilateral relationship with a wartime ally. When the Germans invaded France in May 1940, Campbell's Embassy was transformed from a diplomatic reporting post into a frontline base that had to brief London not only on the political situation in France but also on strategic military matters. However, the British ambassador would constantly struggle to register his authority in the overall management of the Franco-British relationship, and more often than not, was bypassed by Whitehall departments, special advisors and senior ministers. Campbell only found himself in a more pivotal role as communications between the British and French Governments disintegrated and the latter moved to Bordeaux. It then fell upon Campbell to make some of the most dramatic decisions in twentieth century Franco-British history.     

John Barrett and collective approaches to United States foreign policy in Latin America, 1907–20

Imperial security and the need to contain Germany drove British policy towards Austria-Hungary during the First World War more than its view of the Dual Monarchy itself, and shifts in the course of that policy reflected the changing fortunes of war. Given its strategic interests, Britain had less scope to sustain Austria as a great power than Paul W. Schroeder has argued. Those priorities also limited the role of specialists like R.W. Seton-Watson and Sir Lewis Namier to advising on the implementation of policies made by the war cabinet rather than shaping decisions themselves. Development of wartime policy towards Austria cast the priority Britain placed on Central and Eastern Europe into sharp relief, helping to explain trends in its approach to the region through the 1940s.