全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1546篇 |
免费 | 101篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 103篇 |
工人农民 | 56篇 |
世界政治 | 159篇 |
外交国际关系 | 147篇 |
法律 | 688篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 17篇 |
政治理论 | 454篇 |
综合类 | 22篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 23篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 48篇 |
2019年 | 67篇 |
2018年 | 70篇 |
2017年 | 79篇 |
2016年 | 74篇 |
2015年 | 56篇 |
2014年 | 78篇 |
2013年 | 239篇 |
2012年 | 66篇 |
2011年 | 65篇 |
2010年 | 52篇 |
2009年 | 66篇 |
2008年 | 61篇 |
2007年 | 58篇 |
2006年 | 52篇 |
2005年 | 50篇 |
2004年 | 51篇 |
2003年 | 41篇 |
2002年 | 43篇 |
2001年 | 34篇 |
2000年 | 29篇 |
1999年 | 18篇 |
1998年 | 20篇 |
1997年 | 19篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 25篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 12篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1990年 | 10篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 7篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1647条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
This article focuses on the apocalyptic zeitgeist of the Islamic State through the lens of what we call the New Tribalism. It finds that IS emerged from the Al Qaeda (AQ) milieu, but soon split with AQ as the messianic excitement surrounding Al-Baghdadi and his teachings grew. In common with previous millennial/messianic movements in all three “Peoples of the Book”—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—IS soon evolved beyond the laws of the normative faith (antinomianism). We hold that for this reason, despite its claims of faith and fealty, IS has left the Islamic Umah behind, becoming a malign sectarian group of its own whose dynamism and successes are attracting a global audience and support from Muslims in almost every country. This helps to explain such abhorrent practices as forced conversion, sexual servitude, the destruction of historic artifacts, and mass executions. We find that the American invasion of Iraq was the vital first step in a series of events, which gave birth to IS. A thorough review of IS history and political culture traces these historic moments in time. 相似文献
292.
Mattias Gardell J. Wagona Makoba Ph.d. Christopher A. Simon 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):151-158
Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro‐American Radical Right, New Brunswick, NJ and London: Rutgers University Press, 1998. Pp.248. $52 (cloth); $22 (paper). ISBN 0 8135 2563 2 (cloth); 0 8135 2564 0 (paper). Chuka Onwumechili, African Democratization and Military Coups, Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1998. Pp.121. $49.95 (cloth). ISBN 0–275–96325‐X. R. Falkenrath, R. Newman and B. Thayer, America's Achilles’ Heel: Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical Terrorism and Covert Attack, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998. $22.50. ISBN 0–262–56118–2. 相似文献
293.
Christopher Reeves 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):613-638
This article analyzes Harold Wilson’s policy towards the Republic of Ireland during the first eighteen months of his government. This article will demonstrate that the Labour government embarked upon a concerted effort to improve Anglo-Irish relations. In particular, the Labour government acceded to the Irish government’s time-honoured request to repatriate the remains of Roger Casement, and returned the flag that had flown over the General Post Office during the 1916 Rising. How successful these gestures were is a moot point. In the short-term it almost certainly did create a climate of goodwill between the British and Irish governments. In the longer-term, however, it could be argued these gestures served to stimulate republican sentiment in Ireland, and perhaps contributed to heightening the tensions within Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. 相似文献
294.
Christopher Baxter 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):821-834
Sir Ronald H. Campbell was the first British ambassador during the Second World War to manage a key bilateral relationship with a wartime ally. When the Germans invaded France in May 1940, Campbell's Embassy was transformed from a diplomatic reporting post into a frontline base that had to brief London not only on the political situation in France but also on strategic military matters. However, the British ambassador would constantly struggle to register his authority in the overall management of the Franco-British relationship, and more often than not, was bypassed by Whitehall departments, special advisors and senior ministers. Campbell only found himself in a more pivotal role as communications between the British and French Governments disintegrated and the latter moved to Bordeaux. It then fell upon Campbell to make some of the most dramatic decisions in twentieth century Franco-British history. 相似文献
295.
Salvatore Prisco 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):57-69
Imperial security and the need to contain Germany drove British policy towards Austria-Hungary during the First World War more than its view of the Dual Monarchy itself, and shifts in the course of that policy reflected the changing fortunes of war. Given its strategic interests, Britain had less scope to sustain Austria as a great power than Paul W. Schroeder has argued. Those priorities also limited the role of specialists like R.W. Seton-Watson and Sir Lewis Namier to advising on the implementation of policies made by the war cabinet rather than shaping decisions themselves. Development of wartime policy towards Austria cast the priority Britain placed on Central and Eastern Europe into sharp relief, helping to explain trends in its approach to the region through the 1940s. 相似文献
296.
Christopher S. Browning 《European Security》2013,22(4):84-108
This article explores the origins and development of the United States’ Northern European Initiative (NEI). A theoretical framework is developed arguing that elements of traditional geopolitics, liberal internationalism and postmodern thinking can be identified within the NEI. These diverse approaches should not be seen as competing, but rather reflect significant versatility in US strategy in northern Europe. The close linkage between the NEI and US NATO policy is highlighted. While such a linkage is understandable it is argued this in fact threatens to undermine the positive gains of the NEI. The article also analyses the relationship between the NEI and the EU's Northern Dimension Initiative and concludes by considering the impact the new Republican Administration is likely to have on US policy. 相似文献
297.
Dr Christopher Obert Rambanapasi 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(8):1493-1525
Local government as an institution constitutes one of the many resources at the disposal of central government for achieving certain ends. The local government system is therefore a means directly related to some perceived ends although in certain cases it can also be pursued as an end in itself. In many countries including Zimbabwe the ends of local government are often unclear and multidimensional including the promotion of local democracy and participation in national politics and development; providing structural framework for the provision of local services, promoting local administrative efficiency and in rather few cases, providing a framework for local economic development. In many countries local government system is used to either strengthen a top-down hierarchical approach or a bottom-up or horizontal approach to administration and national economic development. Such goals of local government inevitably result in different types of philosophy, administrative theories and strategies, decentralisation models, organisational structures, centre-local relations and the nature of powers ceded to local government by central government. The main theme of this paper is that within the context of Zimbabwe, there has been a major discrepancy between the largely territorial goals or ends to be achieved by post colonial local government transformation and its continuing functional organisation inherited from colonialism. This contradiction is described in the title as decentralisation and recentralisation. 相似文献
298.
Christopher L. Atkinson 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(12):1068-1071
299.
Christopher C. Joyner 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):29-42
Abstract During the 1980s, terrorist activities became a real threat to Americans at home and abroad. The Reagan administration's policy response to this threat was encumbered by several factors, both of commission and omission. Dominant anti‐communist ideological perceptions in the administration at times blurred the disparate causes of international terrorism and the varied motives of terrorist groups. The administration was unable to back up its words with consistent, resolute policy action. And U.S. intelligence operations were not able to detect or prevent several terrorist strikes against U.S. facilities, especially in the Middle East. The U.S. air raid on Libya served notice that the United States would strike militarily at state sponsors of terrorism. It also called into the question the Reagan administration's willingness to adhere strictly to international law in its efforts to prosecute certain governments who aid and abet terrorist groups. There is no policy panacea for terrorism; terrorism can only be countered by a resolute policy which combines protection, prevention, and prosecution, including military retaliation if it is necessary and can be carried out proportionate to the aggrieved terrorist offense. The lessons gleaned from the Reagan administration's anti‐terrorist experience are both constructive and instructive. However, only if more deliberate efforts are made to integrate these lessons into policy considerations will they become utilitarian assets to counter terrorist activities, at home and abroad. 相似文献
300.
Professor Christopher Lord 《Democratization》2013,20(4):668-684
In justifying recent European Union Treaty changes, member-state governments have claimed that publics are doubly represented in the EU: through their elected governments and through the European Parliament. This review evaluates ‘dual representation’ as a means of delivering democratic standards. It concludes that present institutional arrangements contain some means of aligning policy outcomes with citizen preferences but they do not match up so well to ‘input’ or procedural conditions for public control with political equality. One troubling aspect of this is that there are good normative grounds for holding ‘input’ standards to be prior to ‘output’ ones. Another is that difficulties of public control are, on Union matters, more acute in relationships between representatives and voters than in those between representatives and other power holders. 相似文献