中国大陆和平发展与朝鲜半岛形势

朝鲜半岛对中国大陆安全与发展的重要性,主要体现在它是中国边境安全的缓冲地带、进行反帝斗争的前沿地带和经济发展的支持地带。中国大陆在朝鲜半岛所扮演的角色因而具有多样性。在六方会谈中,中国大陆使南北韩均对其相当倚重;在六方会谈议题上,中国大陆五项不变的基本主张符合南韩甚至北韩利益,但这将使六方会谈变得旷日持久。中国大陆与南北韩之间也存在着历史遗产、现实政治和经济竞争方面的争执。未来中国大陆仍会利用地缘之便在朝鲜半岛拓展外交,而南韩也希望两韩和解在其仲裁下继续前进;在经济上,中国对两韩的影响力也将逐步加大。     

世博会参展企业知识产权策略之研究

2010上海世博会已进入正式运作阶段。去年10月31日颁布并于12月1日正式生效的《世界博览会标志保护条例》,成为这一阶段首部专门适用2010世博会的法律法规。中国创世博会之先河,首次以国家法规的形式保护世博会知识产权,并由此启动世博会的整体运作,无疑是对世博会知识产权保护的国际承诺,也     

论我国的行政性垄断及其规制

行政性垄断是地方政府行政机关和国家经济管理部门凭借其经济管理权力,对经济性活动进行排它性控制,排斥和限制竞争的行为。行政性垄断破坏了自由公平的市场竞争秩序,阻碍了全国统一的市场体系的建立。深刻分析行政性垄断产生的原因,找到规制行政性垄断的方法,是现阶段市场经济发展面临的一个重要课题。     

RACIAL–ETHNIC INTOLERANCE AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISON*

This article tests cross-nationally the minority group threat thesis that public sentiments toward repressive crime-control policies reflect conflicted racial and ethnic relations. Using multiple data sets representing France, Belgium, the Netherlands, East and West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Denmark, Great Britain, Greece, Spain, Finland, Sweden, Austria, Canada, Ireland, and Portugal, we examine whether racial and ethnic intolerance—animus, resentments, or negative sentiments toward minorities—predicts greater support for the death penalty. Our results reveal that the respondents were significantly more likely to express support for capital punishment if they were racially or ethnically intolerant while controlling for other covariates of public opinion. These findings indicate that the link between support for capital punishment and racial and ethnic animus may occur universally in countries with conflicted racial and ethnic relations.     

香港警方处置劫持人质事件模式研究

香港警方处置劫持人质事件的基本模式是集中指挥,谈判先行,武力戒备,力争和平解决.基本经验是:一、确立安全至上是处置劫持人质事件的基本理念.二、指挥员不谈判,谈判员不指挥.三、从处置对象提出的各种要求中,去捕获和满足其基本需求.四、利用和防止"斯得哥尔摩"现象.指挥官在处置初期必须制定行动计划,包括运送计划、接受人质计划、接受死者或伤者计划、人质突然逃走处置计划、嫌疑犯突然逃走处置计划、嫌疑犯投降处置计划、即时进攻计划和全面进攻计划等,每一个计划都须形成书面文字记录,以备事后检讨和问责.     

Failed States After 9/11: What Did We Know and What Have We Learned?

This paper addresses the relationship between accumulated knowledge and U.S. policy dealing with failed states and terrorism. The central thesis is threefold: (1) that more was known about the possible linkages between failing states and terrorism than appears in pre-9/11 U.S. policies; (2) that since 9/11 some important realignment of knowledge and practice has occurred, but it remains partial and incomplete; and (3) that new knowledge, especially about the policies to sustain and promote legitimate governance, needs to be generated in order to support an effective grand strategy for addressing the threats and challenges of the twenty-first century. The paper recommends such a grand strategy and, in addition to the required new knowledge, a significant reorganization of the U.S. national security policy-making apparatus. International studies curricula appear well suited for contributing to that new knowledge and the practitioners we require.