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The Center for School Mental Health Assistance at the University of Maryland recently completed a review of evidence-based prevention and treatment programs that can be used by school mental health clinicians. Based on the review, a school-based program operating in 22 Baltimore City schools has purchased and trained clinicians in a number of protocols for evidence-based interventions. We present findings from this review and make pragmatic recommendations for school mental health programs to overcome the challenges associated with the use of evidence-based interventions.She received her doctorate in childclinical psychology from the University of Missouri-Columbia. Her research interests are in the area of the development, prevention, and treatment of juvenile delinquency and youth externalizing disorders.who does research in the area of childrens mental health services and the implementation of wraparound services in real-world settings.University of Maryland School of Medicine. His research is in the area of testing the effectiveness of School Mental Health Programs and the effects of community violence on youth mental health.involved in research related to school mental health, school-based health centers, and prevention of risky behavior among adolescents.Postdoctoral fellow at the time of the study.Postdoctoral fellow at the time of the study.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Criteria-Based Content Analysis (CBCA) is a tool to assess the veracity of written statements, and is used as evidence in criminal courts in several countries in the world. CBCA scores are expected to be higher for truth tellers than for liars. The underlying assumption of CBCA is that (i) lying is cognitively more difficult than truth telling, and (ii) that liars are more concerned with the impression they make on others than truth tellers. However, these assumptions have not been tested to date. In the present experiment 80 participants (undergraduate students) lied or told the truth about an event. Afterwards, they completed a questionnaire measuring “cognitive load” and “tendency to control speech”. The interviews were transcribed and coded by trained CBCA raters. In agreement with CBCA assumptions, (i) truth tellers obtained higher scores than liars, (ii) liars experienced more cognitive load than truth tellers, and (iii) liars tried harder to control their speech. However, cognitive load and speech control were not correlated with CBCA scores in the predicted way.  相似文献   
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During the period 1962–72 integration replaced assimilation as official government policy in dealing with migrants in Australia. Migrants were now encouraged to incorporate themselves into the dominant Anglo‐Celtic society but also to retain elements of their own culture. The policy emerged in response to the unravelling of Britishness and the incremental dismantling of the White Australia policy as the twin pillars of Australian national identity. The “new nationalism”, which stressed a more independent and home grown Australian image, arose as a possible replacement to British race patriotism towards the end of this period. At the same time whiteness was also broken down.  相似文献   
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This historical agenda‐setting study examined the extent to which Franklin Roosevelt's issue agenda, as expressed in his first seven State of the Union speeches, correlated with subsequent coverage in seven major newspapers and the degree to which newspaper coverage correlated with FDR's issue agenda. While past works have emphasized Roosevelt's ability to influence media coverage, this study suggests that Roosevelt reacted to previous coverage more than he influenced subsequent coverage. Past researchers contend that Roosevelt's strong support early in his first term deteriorated subsequently. By contrast, our study found stronger correlations between FDR's issue agenda and subsequent coverage later in his presidency. FDR reacted to, rather than influenced, coverage in newspapers he read and influenced coverage in newspapers he did not read. Roosevelt's issue agenda posted stronger correlations for the papers that supported him than those that opposed him. This study suggests, then, that historical conditions, amount of exposure to the newspaper, and political leanings of the newspaper are contingent conditions influencing the agenda‐setting process and should be considered in future agenda‐setting studies.  相似文献   
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Recent research-in which subjects were studied longitudinally from childhood until adulthood-has started to clarify how a child's environment and genetic makeup interact to create a violent adolescent or adult. For example, male subjects who were born with a particular allele of the monoamine oxidase A gene and also were maltreated as children had a much greater likelihood of manifesting violent antisocial behavior as adolescents and adults. Also, individuals who were born with particular alleles of the serotonin transporter gene and also experienced multiple stressful life events were more likely to manifest serious depression and suicidality. This research raises the question of whether testimony regarding a defendant's genotype, exposure to child maltreatment, and experience of unusual stress is appropriate to present during the guilt or penalty phases of criminal trials, especially when capital punishment is a consideration. The authors present their experience in genotyping criminal defendants and presenting genetic information at criminal trials.  相似文献   
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This article aims to provide insight into the transnational political engagements of Somalis in Norway, and focuses mainly on their financial contributions. Such an aim is inspired by the increased interest in the transnational political engagements of diaspora groups, which has not yet been matched by sufficient empirical research on the topic. The Somali case is particularly interesting, considering the effective state collapse and ongoing civil war as well as the salience of local level security providing mechanisms. The first part of the article comprises an overview of different types of political transnational activities refugees engage in and the second part discusses the empirical study. Interestingly, though not surprisingly, the main political engagements of the Somali community in Norway do not take place through interaction with ‘the state’ or transitional state institutions; rather, they occur on a sub-national level, not only in the political domain but also through humanitarian initiatives.  相似文献   
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