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251.
This study aimed to describe the perceived barriers faced by emergency clinicians in utilising mental health legislation in Australian hospital emergency departments. A semi-structured interview methodology was used to assess what barriers emergency department doctors and nurses perceive in the operation of mental health legislation. Key findings from the interview data were drawn in accordance with the most commonly represented themes. A total of 36 interviews were conducted with 20 members of the Australasian College for Emergency Medicine and 16 members of the College for Emergency Nursing Australasia representing the various Australian jurisdictions. Most concerning to clinicians were the effects of access block and overcrowding on the appropriate use of mental health legislation, and the substandard medical care that mental health patients received as a result of long periods in the emergency department. Many respondents were concerned about the lack of applicability of mental health legislation to the emergency department environment, variation in legislation between States and Territories causing problems for clinicians working interstate, and a lack of knowledge and training in mental health legislation. Many felt that clarification of legislative issues around duty of care and intoxicated or violent patients was required. The authors conclude that access block has detrimental effects on emergency mental health care as it does in other areas of emergency medicine. Consideration should be given to uniform national mental health legislation to better serve the needs of people with mental health emergencies. 相似文献
252.
How do welfare regimes function when state institutions are weak and ethnic or sectarian groups control access to basic services? This paper explores how people gain access to basic services in Lebanon, where sectarian political parties from all major religious communities are key providers of social assistance and services. Based on analyses of an original national survey (n?=?1,911) as well as in-depth interviews with providers and other elites (n?=?175) and beneficiaries of social programs (n?=?135), I make two main empirical claims in the paper. First, political activism and a demonstrated commitment to a party are associated with access to social assistance; and second, higher levels of political activism may facilitate access to higher levels or quantities of aid, including food baskets and financial assistance for medical and educational costs. These arguments highlight how politics can mediate access to social assistance in direct ways and add new dimensions to scholarly debates about clientelism by focusing on contexts with politicized religious identities and by problematizing the actual goods and services exchanged. 相似文献
253.
Aude‐Claire Fourot 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2011,54(1):97-119
Abstract: The growing number of new immigrants settling in suburban communities has caused researchers and policy‐makers to shift their focus from large cities to the communities that surround them, thereby side‐swiping several stereotypes commonly associated with “white” and “wealthy” suburban cities in North America. My article responds to this recent interest by proposing an analysis of the public policies that apply to immigrants and ethno‐cultural minorities in Laval, north of Montreal. The article establishes that Laval has had a policy in place since the early 1990s, with a specific institutional configuration that changes over time. I discerned two institutional configurations shaping two distinct sequences for this policy. The first sequence (1990–2003) involved an institutional configuration that shut down the channels for the representation of the interests of immigrants and ethno‐cultural minorities on the municipal level, and the second sequence (2003–2009) was marked by the regionalization of the shutdown of the mediation channels for the representation of these interests. In each sequence, the shutdown of the mediation channels is illustrated in three areas of this public policy: intergovernmental agreements, the recognition of associations, and affirmative action in the municipal public service. 相似文献
254.
255.
Securing executive attention for new policy demands is notoriously difficult as governmental agendas are crowded by established or ‘core’ policy issues. This article investigates whether it is harder for new and costly policy issues to reach the government agenda when the economy is performing badly. It examines whether, and the extent to which, costly gender equality issues regarding women’s access to the labour market, equal treatment at work and care activities, are more likely to achieve executive attention when the economy is performing well. Using the Comparative Policy Agendas database, a systematic, quantitative analysis is conducted of when and why policies promoting sex equality in the division of labour reach executive agendas. The findings confirm that advocacy for costly gender equality measures is easier to make in times of economic growth. It is also found that female representation in parliament strengthens advocacy for executive attention and reduces friction on policy agenda change. 相似文献
256.
Sexual offences by multiple perpetrators are more violent and involve more severe forms of sexual violation than those perpetrated by a lone offender. Often a clear leader exists within these groups. Questions have been raised as to the relative risk of reoffending and the potentially differing criminogenic needs of leaders and followers. However, a recent study comparing leaders and followers in juvenile multiple perpetrator rapes (t'Hart-Kerkhoffs et al., 2011) failed to find some of the expected differences. It was proposed that this might be due, in part, to the way leaders and followers were classified in the study. Before work can progress in this area, it is important to devise reliable and valid means of identifying leaders and followers in multiple perpetrator rape. This article reports on a study which investigated the utility of two different methods of identifying leadership. The Scale of Influence (Porter & Alison, 2001) was applied to a sample of 256 offenders responsible for 95 multiple perpetrator rapes from the United Kingdom. Following this, the relative number of directives uttered by offenders was used to designate leadership. In 66% of the offences sampled, a leader was designated using the number of directives uttered compared with 80% when using the Scale of Influence. When combining both measures to form a composite measure of leadership, this percentage increased to 89%. Classifications of offenders as leaders, followers, and neither, according to the Scale of Influence, the count of directives, and the composite measure, were compared with classifications made by a practitioner to assess their concordance. The composite measure showed the greatest agreement with practitioner opinion. These findings suggest that the Scale of Influence could be developed to take account of other ways that leadership is displayed during multiple perpetrator rapes. 相似文献
257.
Claire Garbett 《Human Rights Review》2012,13(1):65-84
In anticipation of its closure in 2014, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has begun to set out
proposals for preserving and promoting its legacy of prosecuting persons responsible for violations of humanitarian law during
the conflicts of the 1990s. A key aspect of this legacy has been to support the ‘national ownership’ of the justice systems
in the former Yugoslavia that will continue to try war crimes cases in the years to come. This study explores the institutional
development of the War Crimes Chamber of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (WCC) to national ownership. In particular, it
considers three critical aspects of the WCC's functioning that highlight the challenges that it faces as a mechanism of transitional
justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). These are the composition of prosecutors and judges, prosecutorial practices and
outreach and communication activities. The article shows that the continued difficulties with these areas of legal practice
figure as significant obstacles to the WCC's transition to full national ownership by both the legal professionals and local
populace of BiH. 相似文献
258.
259.
It has long been asserted that strong evangelical religious beliefs underpin strong unionist and loyalist political attitudes in Northern Ireland. Although recent literature has argued for a wide diversity of political attitudes amongst evangelicals, this has not been quantified. Based on analysis of the 1991 Northern Irish Social Attitudes Survey and the 1998 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, this article argues that evangelicals are attitudinally different to other Protestants in Northern Ireland. However, their distinctiveness arises from their conservative moral attitudes and not, as widely claimed, from stronger unionist political values. Indeed, in terms of party identification, in 1991 evangelicals were less likely than other Protestants to support the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). And although there has been a small shift towards the DUP over the course of the 1990s, it is not due to any strengthening of the unionism of evangelicals, but rather the increasing importance of moral conservatism in predicting voters' party choice in Northern Ireland. 相似文献
260.
Jeanne Brooks-Gunn Denise L. Newman Ph.D. candidate in clinical psychology Claire Holderness M.D. candidate at Columbia University Michelle P. Warren M.D. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1994,23(5):539-565
Girls' experiences of secondary sexual characteristic development were explored via direct interview and protective techniques. In a pilot study (Study 1), 30 White middle to upper middle class 6th–8th-grade girls were interviewed about how they felt about breast and pubic hair growth, their comfort discussing these events, and their information acquisition. Breast growth was perceived as more important than hair growth, in part because the former is perceived as a more public event. Few girls reported intensely negative feelings to either change. Since responses to the direct questions were limited, 80 White 6th–9th graders were asked to tell a story (using a semi structured interview technique) about a picture of an adolescent girl, adult female, and adult male in which the adult female was taking a bra out of a shopping bag (Study 2). Affect, attitudes, and character alliances were coded. More girls attributed negative feelings to the father than to the mother character. Almost all girls describe the adolescent in the story as embarrassed. The daughter and father characters were described as uncomfortable more often than the mother character (50% vs. 10%). Positive maternal affect in the stories was associated with more advanced pubertal status, positive body images, more positive emotional tone, and lower anxiety scores. Affect ascribed to the father and daughter characters was less likely to be associated with girls' psychological functioning. Results are discussed in term sof the possible role of puberty upon parent-child relationships and communication.We wish to thank the W. T. Grant Foundation and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development for their generous support of our research. This article was written while the first author was a Visiting Scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation; the support of the foundation is appreciated.Received Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania.Received M.D. from Columbia University. 相似文献