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131.
132.
Claire Jean Kim 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):311-333
This article explores the controversies provoked by two recent exhibits in which People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) draws analogies between animal exploitation and the Holocaust and slavery. PETA's comparisons between the plight of animals and that of Jews and blacks are transgressive insofar as they disrupt settled notions of species difference by challenging the sacrosanct moral divide between humans and animals, and insofar as they do this by re-connecting race and species difference in a historically charged way. In the end, the controversies over PETA's exhibits raise difficult questions about the intersection of race and species as hierarchical categories ordering social life, what comparisons are “inadmissible” and why, and the responsibilities or obligations one social justice struggle might be said to have toward other struggles. 相似文献
133.
R. Claire Snyder-Hall 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):405-410
Abstract In an interview held at the Kennedy School of Government on December 9, 1998, Harvard sociologist William Julius Wilson responds to questions posed by Teodros Kiros on topics centrally important to understanding contemporary American society. The interface between race and class, affirmative action, and social stratification are discussed in light of Wilson's major works: Power, Racism and Privilege; The Declining Significance of Race; The Truly Disadvantaged; and When Work Disappears. 相似文献
134.
Iain McLean Laura Cram Alan Ware Zig Layton‐Henry Robin Cohen John A. Wiseman 《Democratization》2013,20(1):182-190
Political Participation and Democracy in Britain by Geraint Parry, George Moyser and Neil Day. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp.xviii + 510; index, bibliography, three appendices. £60 (hardback); £17.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 521 33298 2 and 33602 3 Work and Citizenship in the New Europe edited by Harry Coenen and Peter Leisink. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1993. Pp.254; index, bibliography. £38.50. ISBN 1 85278 739 2 Capitalist Development and Democracy by Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens. Cambridge and Oxford: Polity Press, 1992. Pp.387; index, bibliography, appendices. £45 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 0398 X Minority Representation and the Quest for Voting Equality by Bernard Grofman, Lisa Handley and Richard G. Niemi. Cambridge, London and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp.174; index, bibliography. £30. ISBN 0 521 39128 8 Peace, Politics and Violence in the New South Africa edited by Norman Etherington. London: Hans Zell Publishers, 1992. Pp.352; index. £45. ISBN 1 873836 75 6 The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly by Jean‐François Bayart. London and New York: Longman, 1993. Pp.370; index. £14.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 582 06421 X Russia in Flux: The Political and Social Consequences of Reform edited by David Lane. Aldershot: Gower, 1992. Pp.xvi + 248; index. £45 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 1 85278 680 9 and 713 9 Democracy and Development by Axel Hadenius. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp.xi + 218; index, bibliography, appendices. £30. ISBN 0 521 41685 X Power and Empowerment: A Radical Theory of Participatory Democracy by Peter Bachrach and Aryeh Botwinick. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1992. Pp.ix + 211; index, bibliography. ISBN 0 87722 930 9 Democratization in Africa: African Views, African Voices edited by Sahr John Kpundeh. Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1992. Pp.85. £17.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 309 04797 8 Marxism and Democracy by Joseph V. Femia. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. Pp.204; index, bibliography. £25 (hardback). ISBN 0 19 827494 7 Dirty Politics: Deception, Distraction and Democracy by Kathleen Hall Jamieson. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. Pp.335; index, bibliography, appendices. $25 (hardback). ISBN 0 19 597854 3 Viva ‐ Women and Popular Protest in Latin America edited by Sarah A. Radcliffe and Sallie Westwood (International Studies of Women and Place Series). London and New York: Routledge, 1993. Pp.270; index, bibliography. £40 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 415 07312 X Dimensions of Radical Democracy edited by Chantal Mouffe. London: Verso, 1992. Pp.254; bibliography. £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 86091 556 5 Democracy and Discontent: India's Growing Crisis of Governability by Atul Kohli. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Pp.420; index, bibliography. £35 (hardback). ISBN 0 521 39161 X 相似文献
135.
Using a U.S. nationally representative sample (N?=?5,692; U.S. National Comorbidity Survey- Replication Part II [NCS-R]; Alegria et al. 2007), this research explored social support as a possible protective factor for abused women. Women who were physically abused by their partners, but not during the past year reported more positive social support from friends than women who continued to experience physical violence or women who had not experienced partner violence. Women who had experienced recent physical violence reported more negative social support than women who had not experienced partner violence. These findings suggest that positive social support might be a protective mechanism for women in abusive relationships. 相似文献
136.
Transforming Prevention Systems in the United States and The Netherlands Using Communities That Care
Majone Steketee Sabrina Oesterle Harrie Jonkman J. David Hawkins Kevin P. Haggerty Claire Aussems 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2013,19(2):99-116
Josine Junger-Tas introduced the Communities That Care (CTC) prevention system to the Netherlands as a promising approach to address the growing youth violence and delinquency. Using data from a randomized trial of CTC in the United States and a quasi-experimental study of CTC in the Netherlands, this article describes the results of a comparison of the implementation of CTC in 12 U.S. communities and five Dutch neighborhoods. CTC communities in both countries achieved higher stages of a science-based approach to prevention than control communities, but full implementation of CTC in the Netherlands was hampered by the very small list of prevention programs tested and found effective in the Dutch context. 相似文献
137.
Abstract There has been considerable interest internationally in the assessment and treatment of individuals who have a severe personality disorder and who might pose a high risk of future recidivism. In the UK, the Dangerous and Severe Personality Disorder (DSPD) programme was initiated to deal with just this group. It is unclear, yet, whether those admitted to these services are different from those admitted to conventional personality disorder (PD) services. In the present study, 60 patients admitted to DSPD services, under DSPD criteria, were compared with 44 patients admitted to personality disordered (non-DSPD) services within the same high secure psychiatric hospital, on risk measures, including (1) an index of predicted future violence, (2) previous offending behaviour and (3) ‘pre-treatment’ levels of institutional risk-related behaviour. Results indicated that DSPD patients do pose a greater clinical and management risk, have a higher number of ‘pre-treatment’ risk-related behaviour, and have a greater number of convictions and imprisonments after age 18, relative to PD patients. The implications and limitations of these results are discussed. 相似文献
138.
R. Claire Snyder 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):309-328
Michael Sandel's Democracy's Discontent strives to contribute to the project of "democratic theory," which aims to bring people together across ideological differences. Sandel wants to revitalize citizenship by uniting religious conservatives and those committed to a more just political economy through an appeal to the American tradition of civic republicanism. However, his project is fundamentally incoherent. First, Sandel's narrative conflates the republican and religious aspects of the American founding, ignoring the fact that civic republican political theory actually developed in direct opposition to the ideal of a Christian polity. Second, his version of civic republicanism deviates from the historic tradition in a way that renders it much more conservative than it actually was and might still be. Third, his reading of American history consistently highlights conservative themes. Consequently, Sandel ultimately undercuts the progressive aspects of his own vision, detracting from rather than contributing to the transideological aspirations of "democratic theory." 相似文献
139.
The Food Stamp Program (FSP) and Supplemental Security Income (SSI) are important parts of national public assistance policy, and there is considerable overlap in the populations that the programs serve. About half of all SSI recipients reside in FSP recipient households. This article uses Social Security administrative data and the Food Stamp Quality Control samples for federal fiscal years 2001-2006 to study the prevalence of food stamp receipt among households with SSI recipients, the contribution of FSP to household income, and the importance of various FSP features in contributing to the well-being of recipient households. The prevalence of FSP participation among households that include SSI recipients is estimated to have grown steadily over the entire 2001-2006 period, rising from 47.4 percent in 2001 to 55.6 percent in 2006. This growth has occurred across all age groups of SSI recipients. The FSP contribution to household income has grown as well. In 2001, FSP increased the income of the households of SSI/FSP recipients by 13 percent; by 2006 the increase was 16.8 percent. Almost 80 percent of the food stamp recipient households that include SSI recipients receive increased benefits because of excess housing costs. In 2006, 44 percent of SSI recipients lived in households that did not receive food stamps. Given available information, it is difficult to gauge the FSP eligibility of nonparticipating households and, therefore, to assess the potential benefit of outreach efforts. Currently available measures of FSP take-up probably overstate participation among eligible households that include SSI recipients, and there is some evidence that enhanced state promotion of the FSP raises participation among households with SSI recipients. We conclude with recommendation for review and renewal of collaboration between the Food and Nutrition Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (the agency responsible for administering the FSP) and the Social Security Administration in ensuring that eligible SSI recipients utilize FSP benefits. 相似文献
140.
Chèze M Deveaux M Martin C Lhermitte M Pépin G 《Forensic science international》2007,170(2-3):100-104
A rapid and sensitive method using LC-MS/MS triple stage quadrupole for the determination of traces of amphetamine (AP), methamphetamine (MA), 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA, "ecstasy"), 3,4-methylenedioxyethamphetamine (MDEA), and N-methyl-1-(3,4-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-butanamine (MBDB) in hair, blood and urine has been developed and validated. Chromatography was carried out on an Uptisphere ODB C(18) 5 microm, 2.1 mm x 150 mm column (Interchim, France) with a gradient of acetonitrile and formate 2 mM pH 3.0 buffer. Urine and blood were extracted with Toxitube A (Varian, France). Segmented scalp hair was treated by incubation 15 min at 80 degrees C in NaOH 1M before liquid-liquid extraction with hexane/ethyl acetate (2/1, v/v). The limits of quantification (LOQ) in blood and urine were at 0.1 ng/mL for all analytes. In hair, LOQ was <5 pg/mg for MA, MDMA, MDEA and MBDB, at 14.7 pg/mg for AP and 15.7 pg/mg for MDA. Calibration curves were linear in the range 0.1-50 ng/mL in blood and urine; in the range 5-500 pg/mg for MA, MDMA, MDEA and MBDB, and 20-500 pg/mg for AP and MDA. Inter-day precisions were <13% for all analytes in all matrices. Accuracy was <20% in blood and urine at 1 and 50 ng/mL and <10% in hair at 20 and 250 pg/mg. This method was applied to the determination of MDMA in a forensic case of single administration of ecstasy to a 16-year-old female without her knowledge during a party. She suffered from hyperactivity, sweating and agitation. A first sample of urine was collected a few hours after (T+12h) and tested positive to amphetamines by immunoassay by a clinical laboratory. Blood and urine were sampled for forensic purposes at day 8 (D+8) and scalp hair at day 60 (D+60). No MDMA was detected in blood, but urine and hair were tested positive, respectively at 0.42 ng/mL and at 22 pg/mg in hair only in the segment corresponding to the period of the offence, while no MDA was detectable. This method allows the detection of MDMA up to 8 days in urine after single intake. 相似文献