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491.
States vary the content and subject matter of their claims to sovereignty. In an analysis of when states invoked sovereignty at recent UN World Conferences on the environment (1992), human rights (1993), and women (1995), the authors revise and extend Litfin's (1997) notion of bargains among components of sovereignty. At the conferences, states invoked sovereignty in debates over cultural and religious values, economics, and increased international accountability. The authors interpret the debates based on how four elements of sovereignty—autonomy, control, and legitimacy in the eyes of other states and nonstate actors—are traded by states through implicit or explicit bargaining. They identify patterns that vary by issue area. The authors argue that nongovernmental organizations as well as other states may legitimate or delegitimate states' sovereign claims. They find that countries of the global South made more sovereignty claims of all kinds than Northern states. And, sovereignty bargains may be struck more easily over power and economics than social values. 相似文献
492.
Peter A. Clark 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2009,37(1):118-133
Over the past decades the mortality rate in the United States has decreased, and life expectancy has increased. Yet a number of recent studies have drawn Americans' attention to the fact that racial and ethnic disparities persist in health care. It is clear that the U.S. health care system, which is the envy of the world, is not only flawed by basic injustices, but may be the cause of both injury and death for members of racial and ethnic minorities. Progress has been made in several areas since the original Institute of Medicine 2002 report. However, five years later, the 2007 National Healthcare Disparities Report (NHDR) reported that overall, disparities in quality and access for minority groups and poor populations have not been reduced since the original report. The three key themes that have emerged from this report are the following: (1) overall, disparities in health care quality and access are not getting smaller; (2) progress is being made, but many of the biggest gaps in quality and access have not been reduced; and (3) the problem of persistent uninsur-ance is a major barrier to reducing disparities. Unless measures are taken to address this racism, unless a new sense of trust is established between the medical establishment and racial and ethnic minorities, these injustices will continue to deepen and expand, and more lives will be placed in jeopardy. What is needed is a comprehensive, multi-level, culturally relevant strategy that contains interventions that target individuals, communities, and the nation as a whole. This will entail understanding the causes of racism in the medical profession, identifying practical interventions that address racism in individuals, communities, and the nation as a whole, and forming partnerships that will work to develop a new sense of trust between the medical establishment and the minority communities. 相似文献
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Terry D. Clark Jennifer M. Larson John N. Mordeson Mark J. Wierman 《Public Choice》2008,134(3-4):179-199
Scholars have long studied the conditions under which the cabinet making process will result in minority, surplus majority, or minimum-winning governing coalitions in parliamentary systems. Since Riker, a good number of these attempts have been based on rational choice assumptions. Among formal approaches in this vein, Laver and Shepsle’s (Making and breaking governments: Cabinets and legislatures in parliamentary governments, 1996) portfolio allocation model argues that parties centrally located in policy space have a greater potential for being part of any governing coalition and that parties located at the issue-by-issue median have a high likelihood of forming a minority government. However, the model predicts that surplus majority coalitions will only form when the number of salient policy dimensions in the political system is greater than two. We incorporate fuzzy set theory in the portfolio allocation model, permitting us to model ambiguity in parties’ policy preferences. The reformulated model accounts for the formation of surplus majority coalitions in two-dimensional policy space. We illustrate the model’s conclusions with a case study of the 1996 surplus majority coalition in the Lithuanian Seimas. 相似文献
497.
Supplying Disadvantaged Schools with Effective Teachers: Experimental Evidence on Secondary Math Teachers from Teach For America 下载免费PDF全文
Hanley S. Chiang Melissa A. Clark Sheena McConnell 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2017,36(1):97-125
Teach For America (TFA) is an important but controversial source of teachers for hard‐to‐staff subjects in high‐poverty U.S. schools. We present findings from the first large‐scale experimental study of secondary math teachers from TFA. We find that TFA teachers are more effective than other math teachers in the same schools, increasing student math achievement by 0.07 standard deviations over one school year. Addressing concerns about the fact that TFA requires only a two‐year commitment, we find that TFA teachers in their first two years of teaching are more effective than more experienced non‐TFA teachers in the same schools. 相似文献
498.
Thabo Mbeki, South Africa's second democratically elected president, was born into left-wing politics. In exile, he became the face of the African National Congress (ANC) and developed a reputation as a modernizer. He returned to the country and built relations, not with the ANC's internal allies, but with the country's business community. In 1996, as Mandela's deputy, Mbeki implemented a neo-liberal economic package, called GEAR, which alienated many. In office, he both failed to acknowledge the threat of HIV/AIDS to the country and refused to pressure the failing regime in Zimbabwe; but it was his bypassing of parliament that ultimately led to his failure as president. 相似文献
499.
The American West’s longest large mammal migration: clarifying and securing the common interest 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Over the last 10 years, conflict has grown over a 170-mile pronghorn antelope (Antilocapra americana) migration between Grand Teton National Park and the Upper Green River Basin in western Wyoming. Resolving conflict in the
common interest is proving difficult. This movement is the longest mammal migration in the lower 48 states, spanning the jurisdiction
of three federal agencies, three Wyoming counties, and over 40 private landowners. In addition, there are over ten non-governmental
conservation organizations, two major state agencies, Wyoming’s executive office, and many citizens involved in the issue.
There are three major problem definitions serving the beliefs of participants: the ecological-scientific (conservation biologists,
environmentalists), local rights (local control, property rights), and cultural value (historic, western heritage) definitions.
These definitions challenge the social and decision making processes of regional communities and government agencies. Underlying
the problem of securing the common interest is the highly fragmented patterns of authority and control, misorganized arena(s),
and parochial perspectives of many participants. Options promoted by participants can be loosely classified as top-down (government,
expert driven) versus bottom-up (local, practice-based) approaches and reflect preferences for the distribution and uses of
power and other values. Given the social and decision making context of this case, the bottom-up, practiced-based approach
would likely best secure a common interest outcome. 相似文献
500.
Ian Clark 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(4):175-182
Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State 1945-1954 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 2000), pp.xii + 525. ISBN 0-521-64044-X; pb. 0-521-79537- 0.
Lorna Arnold, Britain and the H-Bomb (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), pp.xiv + 273. ISBN 0-333-73685-0; pb. 0-333-94742-8. 相似文献
Lorna Arnold, Britain and the H-Bomb (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), pp.xiv + 273. ISBN 0-333-73685-0; pb. 0-333-94742-8. 相似文献