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991.
Esther Calvete Izaskun Orue Lorena Bertino Zahira Gonzalez Yadira Montes Patricia Padilla Roberto Pereira 《Journal of family violence》2014,29(3):343-352
This study explored the characteristics of child-to-parent violence (CPV) in Spain based on the narrations of adolescents who perpetrate this kind of violence, their parents, and the professionals who work in this area. A qualitative design was used. Focus groups were asked about the risk factors associated with CPV, such as exposure to family violence, discipline, and psychological characteristics of the adolescents. Interviews were videotaped, transcribed, and reviewed independently by each investigator to identify and group distinct comments into categories with specific themes. Results suggest that CPV is mainly linked to exposure to marital conflict and family violence, permissive discipline, emotional disengagement in the father-child relationship, and symptoms of emotional stress and substance consumption in the children. Lastly, acts of CPV seem to be an attempt by the children to gain power in the context of family relations in which the parents display their incapacity to establish control. As several family and personal characteristics appear to be involved in CPV, it is recommended that family and individual approaches be considered for treatment. 相似文献
992.
Maria Martín de Almagro Iniesta 《Law & social inquiry》2014,39(2):361-386
The European Court of Justice, and courts in general, were key actors in the creation of the European Union (EU). However, they cannot change major policy without political supporters to lobby and litigate for implementation. We argue that part of the resolution of this apparent paradox comes from complementing existing work on the activities of EU courts and litigants with a focus on a third actor: implementing bureaucracies, whose effect on law and politics has not been a focus of studies of EU legal development. Their calculations about whether to pay attention, lobby, and comply shape the impact of the law. Those calculations are variable and patterned; when and how bureaucracies listen to courts varies in predictable ways. We find evidence for this proposition in the case of EU health care services law, both in the secondary literature and in empirical studies of France and Spain. 相似文献
993.
James Woodall Nick de Viggiani Rachael Dixey Jane South 《Criminal Justice Studies》2014,27(1):114-132
The majority of prisoners are drawn from deprived circumstances with a range of health and social needs. The current focus within ‘prison health’ does not, and cannot, given its predominant medical model, adequately address the current health and well-being needs of offenders. Adopting a social model of health is more likely to address the wide range of health issues faced by offenders and thus lead to better rehabilitation outcomes. At the same time, broader action at governmental level is required to address the social determinants of health (poverty, unemployment and educational attainment) that marginalise populations and increase the likelihood of criminal activities. Within prison, there is more that can be done to promote prisoners’ health if a move away from a solely curative, medical model is facilitated, towards a preventive perspective designed to promote positive health. Here, we use the Ottawa Charter for health promotion to frame public health and health promotion within prisons and to set out a challenging agenda that would make health a priority for everyone, not just ‘health’ staff, within the prison setting. A series of outcomes under each of the five action areas of the Charter offers a plan of action, showing how each can improve health. We also go further than the Ottawa Charter, to comment on how the values of emancipatory health promotion need to permeate prison health discourse, along with the concept of salutogenesis. 相似文献
994.
995.
Shalom H. Schwartz Gian Vittorio Caprara Michele Vecchione Paul Bain Gabriel Bianchi Maria Giovanna Caprara Jan Cieciuch Hasan Kirmanoglu Cem Baslevent Jan-Erik Lönnqvist Catalin Mamali Jorge Manzi Vassilis Pavlopoulos Tetyana Posnova Harald Schoen Jo Silvester Carmen Tabernero Claudio Torres Markku Verkasalo Eva Vondráková Christian Welzel Zbigniew Zaleski 《Political Behavior》2014,36(4):899-930
Do the political values of the general public form a coherent system? What might be the source of coherence? We view political values as expressions, in the political domain, of more basic personal values. Basic personal values (e.g., security, achievement, benevolence, hedonism) are organized on a circular continuum that reflects their conflicting and compatible motivations. We theorize that this circular motivational structure also gives coherence to political values. We assess this theorizing with data from 15 countries, using eight core political values (e.g., free enterprise, law and order) and ten basic personal values. We specify the underlying basic values expected to promote or oppose each political value. We offer different hypotheses for the 12 non-communist and three post-communist countries studied, where the political context suggests different meanings of a basic or political value. Correlation and regression analyses support almost all hypotheses. Moreover, basic values account for substantially more variance in political values than age, gender, education, and income. Multidimensional scaling analyses demonstrate graphically how the circular motivational continuum of basic personal values structures relations among core political values. This study strengthens the assumption that individual differences in basic personal values play a critical role in political thought. 相似文献
996.
This study suggests that performance voting is characterised by extensive individual heterogeneity. Most economic voting studies to date treat voters as rather homogeneous in their reactions to economic performance of incumbents. Yet, a large and well‐established line of research from the American context demonstrates the conditional impact of political sophistication and salience on voters' political attitudes and behaviour. Building on this work, this article explores individual‐level variation in performance voting due to political sophistication and salience. Utilising cross‐national data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) including 25 democracies, performance voting is examined across an array of policy areas including the economy, social welfare, immigration and national security, and it is shown that political sophistication and salience are key moderators of performance voting. The findings suggest that holding governments to account for past performance is mainly the prerogative of the highly sophisticated and thus may be more laborious than previously assumed. At the same time, the results indicate that the sophistication gap in performance voting narrows when voters attach a higher degree of salience to a policy area. As long as voters care enough about government activities in a particular policy area, incumbents can expect credit or blame for policy outcomes. This should provide at least some impetus for responsive policy making. 相似文献
997.
998.
Maartje de Visser 《Human Rights Review》2014,15(1):39-51
This article critically evaluates the possible impact of the Charter on the relationship between the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and national constitutional courts. While it is premature to provide a definitive assessment of the kind of collaboration that these courts will develop, it is crucial to identify a number of features of the new landscape that will influence the direction in which the relationship between the CJEU and constitutional courts will evolve. This article discusses several reasons that may result in better or a higher number of judicial interactions, as well as factors that may create tension or cause problems in the relationship between the CJEU and national constitutional courts. As such, it offers a framework that may help us to understand future post-Charter judgments by these courts setting out how they conceive their engagement with their counterpart(s) on fundamental rights issues. 相似文献
999.
Selene de Souza Siqueira Soares Maria Sylvia Macchione Saes 《美中公共管理》2014,(6):478-491
This paper is dedicated to the study of governances adopted by fuel distributors in their transactions with gas station retailers in the State of Sgo Paulo. With the deregulation of the market, plural forms were allowed and have been a recurring presence. The main aim of the paper is to investigate why these plural forms have remained on the market The main hypothesis of this paper is that the plural forms found are transitory, not as a result of increased efficiency and reduced transaction costs, but because plural forms have become a key strategic step in securing business partners and promoting greater growth of the firm. Moreover, it is argued that the institutional environment has a significant influence on the coordination of plural forms, directly interfering with their stability. The research method was qualitative research with a group of 25 distribution companies which account for about 80% of sales of ethanol and gasoline in the domestic market. 相似文献
1000.
Johann de Wet 《Communicatio》2013,39(3):293-304
AbstractDespite ongoing interest and reflection on the work and ideas of Stephen Bantu Biko (1946–1977) in South Africa, no scholarly contribution from a communicological perspective has been published yet. While Biko regarded himself first and foremost as a freedom fighter who aimed to topple the apartheid regime, many regard him more as a philosopher – perhaps an ‘organising philosopher ’ or a sort of ‘social and political philosopher ’ as Sono (1993, 90ff.) puts it. More (2008, 64) goes further and argues that Biko, in his writings, displays a definite philosophical outlook, ‘an Africana existentialist preoccupation with “being-black-in-an-antiblack-world” and [a preoccupation with] questions of “black authenticity ” and “black liberation”’. The main aim of the article is to consider whether Biko as communicator makes human communication as a mode of existence come alive. Biko never addressed the problematic nature of human communication directly. The article concludes that Biko may be regarded as a foremost existentialist communicator during apartheid South Africa, and that his thoughts on meaningful and authentic existence remain relevant for confronting the vexing challenges facing contemporary South African communities. 相似文献