全文获取类型
收费全文 | 72篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 2篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 2篇 |
法律 | 44篇 |
政治理论 | 24篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 9篇 |
2012年 | 1篇 |
2011年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有79条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
Despite common assumptions about the processes associated with interorganizational network formation, the resulting structures and relevant factors often vary. This variation suggests that there are likely contextual or meta-network variables that moderate the influence of well-established micro-level mechanisms. Because much of the existing research on disaster response networks relies on single case studies, the role of meta-network variables in shaping network formation remains unexplored. We look to fill this gap by comparing network formation patterns in multiple countries that vary in their disaster management capacity. This article uses social network analysis to analyze the formation of response networks after earthquakes in Indonesia, Haiti, and Japan. This study contributes to existing literature by examining how transitivity, homophily, and brokerage vary in their salience under different macro-level constraints. The results suggest that national response capacity may influence the jurisdictional level at which bridging and bonding strategies take place. 相似文献
62.
Clayton Katherine Blair Spencer Busam Jonathan A. Forstner Samuel Glance John Green Guy Kawata Anna Kovvuri Akhila Martin Jonathan Morgan Evan Sandhu Morgan Sang Rachel Scholz-Bright Rachel Welch Austin T. Wolff Andrew G. Zhou Amanda Nyhan Brendan 《Political Behavior》2020,42(4):1073-1095
Political Behavior - Social media has increasingly enabled “fake news” to circulate widely, most notably during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign. These intentionally false... 相似文献
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
Amanda Clayton Diana Z. O'Brien Jennifer M. Piscopo 《American journal of political science》2019,63(1):113-129
What does women's presence in political decision‐making bodies signal to citizens? Do these signals differ based on the body's policy decisions? And do women and men respond to women's presence similarly? Though scholars have demonstrated the substantive and symbolic benefits of women's representation, little work has examined how women's presence affects citizens' perceptions of democratic legitimacy. We test the relationship between representation and legitimacy beliefs through survey experiments on a nationally representative sample of U.S. citizens. First, we find that women's equal presence legitimizes decisions that go against women's interests. We show suggestive evidence that this effect is particularly pronounced among men, who tend to hold less certain views on women's rights. Second, across decision outcomes and issue areas, women's equal presence legitimizes decision‐making processes and confers institutional trust and acquiescence. These findings add new theoretical insights into how, when, and for whom inclusive representation increases perceptions of democratic legitimacy. 相似文献
68.
Who Engages in the Coproduction of Local Public Services and Why? The Case of Atlanta,Georgia
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Public administration review》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
With the resurgent interest in coproduction, questions arise around who joins with government in coproducing services and why. This article reports an exploratory study of these questions using data from Atlanta, Georgia. To guide the research, the article first proposes a set of hypotheses on involvement in coproduction based on theories of political participation, where psychological motivations and social factors dominate, and citizen‐initiated contacting, where perceived needs for public services are usually primary. The hypotheses are tested using survey data on the engagement of 797 neighborhood organization participants in various forms of local coproduction in Atlanta. The findings provide some support for both theories along with evidence for significant idiosyncratic variations suggested by neither theory. A concluding section considers implications of the findings for future research and for public management. 相似文献
69.
John Clayton Thomas 《Public administration review》2017,77(6):933-941
Bill Bolling created the Atlanta Community Food Bank (ACFB) in 1979 and, as its executive director from then until 2015, transformed a fledgling effort in a church basement into the “equivalent of a $100 million company.” This article tells the story of how Bolling built the ACFB from scratch, arguing that his accomplishments can be traced to his effectiveness as a political leader. The article explains how Bolling practiced a virtuous politics in building informal sources of power and in developing and applying political skills on behalf of the ACFB. In the process, the article challenges the traditional critical scholarly view of political leadership, offering Bolling as a case illustration of an emerging theory of a benevolent and effective form of political leadership. 相似文献
70.
Feminist scholarship has invested attention in popular culture as a terrain upon which understandings of feminism are circulated, contested and explored. This is particularly so in the contemporary moment in which feminism appears to have achieved a new ascendency. But whilst popular culture and feminism are recognised as inextricably enmeshed, there remains the implicit or explicit assumption in feminist scholarship that popular media culture could do ‘better’, and that there is a more ‘authentic’ form of feminism waiting to find representation. In response to this context, this article undertakes an analysis of Twitter responses to Celebrity Big Brother: Year of the Woman (2018) in order to explore the ways in which a popular media text provides an arena for the negotiation of popular feminism. Rather than positioning reality TV and celebrity culture as a site of ‘ideological ruin’ for feminism, this article explores how CBB is discussed in relation to feminism as popular television, and the ways in which this may offer affordances and limitations. The article concludes that feminist media scholars need to give due attention to the complexities of popular feminism as articulated by popular media culture. 相似文献