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Duncon Cole 《北京周报(英文版)》2013,(19):48
Ifirst visited China in 1973. I was a serving member of the Royal Australian Navy and we were engaged in the Viet Nam War.Communism was the deadly enemy of the free world back then. 相似文献
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The financial crisis had significant implications for the fiscal positions of OECD. As nations seek to cope with the economic contraction, budget deficits and debt have risen to near record postwar levels. As the crisis in Europe and other advanced economies has deepened, fiscal consolidation will have to be coupled, and even preceded, by actions to jump‐start crippled economies. Nonetheless, when fiscal consolidation becomes necessary, nations that procrastinate by waiting for a crisis to provide cover for the politically hard choices will pay a steep price indeed both economically and politically. Many in the academic and policy community have raised questions about whether advanced democracies have the political wherewithal to respond to gathering fiscal pressures through early and timely action. Recent fiscal actions in advanced nations suggest that democracies are not doomed to wait for market shocks and crises. Rather, leaders have shown that fiscal sacrifice can be achieved in ways that promote electability. In this article, we discuss the impetus for democratic fiscal actions and the strategies used to gain public support. 相似文献
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A body of literature is emerging applying critical consideration to the Kyoto Protocol Clean Development Mechanism’s (‘CDM’)
achievement of policy goals regarding sustainable development, geographical distribution of projects and related matters.
This article places this literature in the context of the policymaking goals of the CDM’s Brazilian architects. The CDM arose
from the Brazilian Proposal’s Clean Development Fund, and was negotiated between Brazil and the United States in the weeks
preceding the Kyoto Conference of Parties. The CDM’s Brazilian architects continued to pursue their underlying policy goals
by taking a leadership position in the Marrakesh Accords negotiations. During this period Brazil’s primary policy objectives
comprised achieving meaningful mitigation of GHG emissions to avoid dangerous interference with the climate system, derailing
a perceived US/IPCC initiative to allocate emissions cap obligations in the Kyoto Protocol on the basis of current emissions,
and taking a leadership position both among the G-77 and China and in the multilateral climate negotiations as a whole. The
CDM arose in this context from the G-77 and China’s desire to coerce the North’s compliance with the North’s emissions cap
obligations through an alternative means of compliance. As a result, there was no focus on broad conceptions of sustainable
development, or on broad distribution of CDM projects throughout the South. Instead, the CDM’s Brazilian architects envisioned
that CDM-related sustainable development would arise exclusively from the presence of the CDM projects. Similarly, the Brazilian
Proposal advocated allocation of the Clean Development Fund on a basis proportionate to each non-Annex I countries projected
1990–2010 greenhouse gas emissions. These views persisted through the evolution of the Clean Development Fund into the CDM
and through Marrakesh Accords negotiations. This article argues that the CDM has largely met the policy goals of its Brazilian
architects and that the pursuit of different, additional, refined or more nuanced policy goals necessitates corresponding
refinements to the CDM, or any successor mechanism, specifically targeting those different, additional, refined or more nuanced
policy objectives, lending support to the emerging literature proposing changes to the CDM to pursue corresponding policy
objectives. 相似文献
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Based on surveys of scholars and practitioners, this articleranks and evaluates the significance of intergovernmental eventsand trends of I980 to I995, and also compares these with similarrankings for 1960 to 1980. The most important events of the1980 to 1995 period were found to be those that generally diminished,or potentially may diminish, the role of the federal governmentin intergovernmental affairs. It was also found that the eventsand trends which scholars rated highly for 1960 to 1980 generallyremained the top events and trends of that period as viewedby current scholars. It is concluded that events and trendsthat seem important and influential at this point in lime probablywill remain comparatively significant, even when evaluated inthe context of the passage of time. 相似文献
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