全文获取类型
收费全文 | 747篇 |
免费 | 35篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 73篇 |
工人农民 | 23篇 |
世界政治 | 92篇 |
外交国际关系 | 38篇 |
法律 | 308篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 232篇 |
综合类 | 12篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 17篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 25篇 |
2017年 | 19篇 |
2016年 | 33篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 23篇 |
2013年 | 140篇 |
2012年 | 19篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 24篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 18篇 |
2005年 | 21篇 |
2004年 | 26篇 |
2003年 | 23篇 |
2002年 | 26篇 |
2001年 | 20篇 |
2000年 | 20篇 |
1999年 | 15篇 |
1998年 | 13篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 11篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 12篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 12篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 16篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 10篇 |
1984年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有782条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Many observers suggest that white evangelical Protestant churches serve to mobilize their members into politics, while others argue that they encourage withdrawal from political life. This paper reconciles these two claims. I hypothesize that the time members of evangelical Protestant denominations spend in service to their church comes at the expense of participation in the wider community, contrary to the way mainline Protestant and Catholic churches foster civic activity among their members. However, I further hypothesize that the tight social networks formed through this intensive church activity can at times facilitate rapid and intense political mobilization. Data from the Citizen Participation Study supports the first hypothesis, while applying King's method of ecological inference to two elections in Alabama supports the second. 相似文献
22.
This paper integrates twomodels of local government behavior,leviathan and fiscal illusion, into theframework of overlapping jurisdictions.Estimation of the leviathan and fiscalillusion variables without accounting forvertical effects between overlappingjurisdictions results in overestimation ofthe horizontal effects. Using a medianvoter model and municipal and county datawe find support for the leviathan modelusing traditional tests. These effects arelargely offset, however, when the test isset within the context of the verticalrelationship. We find that municipal percapita expenditures and county per capitaexpenditures are symmetricallycomplementary. 相似文献
23.
The system of public administration in Northern Ireland has, perhaps inevitably, been of secondary concern during 30 years of inter-communal sectarian strife. Faced with combating terrorism, successive United Kingdom governments would not consider reform of the province's local public administration, pending a resolution of the wider constitutional imbroglio. Consequently, much of the system atrophied, becoming progressively more cumbersome and ill-equipped to deal with the requirements of modern government. Moreover, to help minimise charges of sectarian discrimination, quangos provided many public services, compounding the 'democratic deficit' of Direct Rule. In 1998, the Belfast Agreement (also known as the Good Friday Agreement), offered a breakthrough in the search for a durable settlement that could command cross-community support. As part of subsequent devolved executive's Programme for Government, a Review of Public Administration (RPA) was launched to consider sub-regional governance arrangements with a view to enhancing democratic accountability and improving efficiency through streamlining the current arrangements. To that end, the RPA has been committed to adhering to clear principles on which any credible reform should be based. While devolution itself has proved fitful, the work of the RPA has continued apace. Although embarking on reforms within functioning devolution is ministers' preferred option, there is a determination to continue the reform process irrespective of the present impasse. This paper outlines the issues, values and concepts that might shape the principles for conducting a review before considering the particular context within Northern Ireland. It also considers the impediments to overhauling the present arrangements and speculates on the likely outcome. 相似文献
24.
25.
26.
27.
Colin Mackinnon 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):654-669
The great American cryptologist William F. Friedman along with two other colleagues visited Bletchley Park and other British code-breaking facilities in the spring of 1943. A recently discovered diary that Friedman kept while in the UK gives a meticulous account of his activities during the mission. the diary sheds light on the role Friedman and his colleagues played in negotiating the 1943 Travis–Strong agreement between the United States and Great Britain and helps resolve problems with the dating of that agreement. The diary gives Friedman's mid-war assessment of the British codebreaking effort. The diary also gives a portrait of Friedman himself as none of his other writings do. 相似文献
28.
29.
Colin Crouch 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(2):221-229
The three great Western political traditions (conservatism, liberalism, social democracy) incorporate three of the four possible combinations of the core political axes: traditional, unchanging authority versus the challenge of change, and egalitarianism versus inegalitarianism. The fourth possibility—egalitarian conservatism—has appeared in various guises, but has usually become submerged within the right, including its most authoritarian forms. Current xenophobic movements claiming to represent those suffering from excessive change—for example, those involved in the UK 's EU referendum and Donald Trump's victory in the USA —are seeing an apparent resurgence of this neglected tradition. What are its implications for politics in general? 相似文献
30.
Colin Crouch 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2009,11(3):382-399
There have now been two successive policy regimes since the Second World War that have temporarily succeeded in reconciling the uncertainties and instabilities of a capitalist economy with democracy's need for stability for people's lives and capitalism's own need for confident mass consumers. The first of these was the system of public demand management generally known as Keynesianism. The second was not, as has often been thought, a neo-liberal turn to pure markets, but a system of markets alongside extensive housing and other debt among low- and medium-income people linked to unregulated derivatives markets. It was a form of privatised Keynesianism. This combination reconciled capitalism's problem, but in a way that eventually proved unsustainable. After its collapse there is debate over what will succeed it. Most likely is an attempt to re-create it on a basis of corporate social responsibility. 相似文献