首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   708篇
  免费   29篇
各国政治   64篇
工人农民   22篇
世界政治   65篇
外交国际关系   40篇
法律   329篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   206篇
综合类   9篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   7篇
  2020年   10篇
  2019年   14篇
  2018年   21篇
  2017年   14篇
  2016年   30篇
  2015年   12篇
  2014年   22篇
  2013年   104篇
  2012年   16篇
  2011年   21篇
  2010年   19篇
  2009年   26篇
  2008年   21篇
  2007年   43篇
  2006年   15篇
  2005年   17篇
  2004年   24篇
  2003年   21篇
  2002年   26篇
  2001年   12篇
  2000年   22篇
  1999年   18篇
  1998年   13篇
  1997年   12篇
  1996年   12篇
  1995年   7篇
  1994年   13篇
  1993年   9篇
  1992年   15篇
  1991年   11篇
  1990年   12篇
  1989年   9篇
  1988年   8篇
  1987年   9篇
  1986年   6篇
  1985年   9篇
  1984年   10篇
  1983年   6篇
  1982年   5篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   2篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   4篇
  1976年   3篇
  1975年   2篇
  1970年   3篇
  1968年   2篇
排序方式: 共有737条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
731.
Prevailing wisdom holds that limiting the federal role in welfare will free the states to be more innovative in welfare‐to‐work programs. Findings from Florida's Family Transition Program (FTP), a pilot welfare reform initiative, however, suggest that the relationship between federal “strings” and state innovation is more complex. A central feature of the welfare‐to‐work program in the FTP was the direct result of federal requirements imposed by the Department of Health and Human Services during waiver negotiations. Federal regulation, in this case, promoted innovation. Outcome‐orientation, media and political attention, and fiscal structure are argued to be potentially important factors structuring the impact of federal regulation on state innovation. ©1999 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
732.
  • The democratization of the Internet and the growing popularity of amateur video production have given rise to historic levels of voter engagement. In recent times, the populace has turned to YouTube and other similar websites to publicly voice their opinions through the posting of, and response to, amateur political videos. Political communication and campaign managers frequently struggle to consolidate, analyse, and respond to the vast array of commentary posted on the Internet in reply to these videos. The ability to quickly consolidate and interpret viewer responses to political videos provides campaign and communications' managers the opportunity to quickly make policy, positioning, or image changes. This is especially valuable considering that viewer responses provide a potentially unbiased picture of actual voter sentiment. Using the visualization software, Leximancer, we show how conversations around online political spoof videos can be mapped, interpreted, and used as a basis for strategic brand decision‐making. We discuss the implications of our findings, outline the technique's limitations, and trace avenues for further research.
Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
733.
Previous research highlights what managers perceive to be the purposes of public involvement in public-private partnerships (PPPs) and the need for addressing stakeholder concerns unique to PPPs. Yet, we have little evidence of how particular modes of participation benefit particular goals of participation in this context. Through canonical correlation analysis (CCA) of survey data collected in the U.S., this study examines the modes and sequencing of 14 public involvement activities in respect to 10 goals of public involvement in this context. The results indicate that selections among modes of participation are contingent upon when they are introduced. Respondents prefer widening stakeholder involvement early in the project development phase and during the contract implementation phase, but not during the later phases of contract design. Respondents also assign more value to engaging local citizens than their respective political leaders, particularly at mature stages of the PPP’s implementation phase.  相似文献   
734.
The repertoire of policy instruments within a particular policy sector varies by jurisdiction; some “tools of government” are associated with particular administrative and regulatory traditions and political cultures. It is less clear how the instruments associated with a particular policy sector may change over time, as economic, social, and technological conditions evolve. In the early 2000s, we surveyed and analyzed the global repertoire of policy instruments deployed to protect personal data. In this article, we explore how those instruments have changed as a result of 15 years of social, economic and technological transformations, during which the issue has assumed a far higher global profile, as one of the central policy questions associated with modern networked communications. We review the contemporary range of transnational, regulatory, self‐regulatory, and technical instruments according to the same framework, and conclude that the types of policy instrument have remained relatively stable, even though they are now deployed on a global scale. While the labels remain the same, however, the conceptual foundations for their legitimation and justification are shifting as greater emphases on accountability, risk, ethics, and the social/political value of privacy have gained purchase. Our analysis demonstrates both continuity and change within the governance of privacy, and displays how we would have tackled the same research project today. As a broader case study of regulation, it highlights the importance of going beyond technical and instrumental labels. Change or stability of policy instruments does not take place in isolation from the wider conceptualizations that shape their meaning, purpose, and effect.  相似文献   
735.
736.
Abstract

In recent years, rural electrification and access to television have spread throughout the developing world. The values and cultural norms embodied in television programming have potentially profound implications for influencing behaviour, including reproductive decisions. After replicating Westoff and Koffman’s (2011) finding of a positive correlation between television ownership and contraception using pooled Indonesian data, we proceed to estimate a fixed-effects model. The coefficient on television loses its significance while other policy relevant variables retain theirs. We conclude that the growing corpus of cross-sectional evidence on a link between television and contraception should be interpreted cautiously.  相似文献   
737.
This article seeks to critically examine the political economy of the Northern Irish “peace process.” When the principal paramilitary organizations in the region declared cease-fires in 1994, it was widely assumed that political progress would be followed by economic prosperity. However, this “peace dividend” has never fully materialized. Those working-class communities that were at the center of the Troubles have derived little economic benefit over the last two decades. Indeed, if anything the already substantial class divisions in the six counties have become more pronounced over the course of the peace process. The article concludes by suggesting that these widening socioeconomic disparities have the potential to undermine the prevailing political settlement in Northern Ireland.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号