Does constructing a facial composite affect eyewitness memory? A research synthesis and meta-analysis

Journal of Experimental Criminology - We conducted a meta-analysis to assess whether the construction of facial composites affects witnesses’ lineup identification decisions. We located 23...     

Making a difference? The effects of Teach For America in high school

Teach For America (TFA) selects and places graduates from the most competitive colleges as teachers in the lowest‐performing schools in the country. This paper is the first study that examines TFA effects in high school. We use rich longitudinal data from North Carolina and estimate TFA effects through cross‐subject student and school fixed effects models. We find that TFA teachers tend to have a positive effect on high school student test scores relative to non‐TFA teachers, including those who are certified in field. Such effects offset or exceed the impact of additional years of experience and are particularly strong in science. © 2011 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

On discourse ∗

This article attempts to contribute to the theorisation of the relations between subjectivity and language through an investigation of the use of the term ‘discourse’ in the work of two linguists: Emile Benveniste and Zellig Harris. The positive aspects of Benveniste's emphasis on intersubjectivity are considered as well as the problems raised by the failure to grasp the necessary division of the subject in language. Harris's work provides formal procedures which analyse discourse independently of subjective interpretation but without a theory of institutions or ideology the constitution of the corpus to be analysed finds no justification outside a banal empiricism. The possibilities and problems of Michel Pecheux's attempt to elaborate Harris's work in relation to Althusser's theory of ideology occupies the final section of the article.     

Why green grabs don't work in Papua New Guinea

In recent years, private companies have acquired long-term leasehold titles to more than five million hectares of what was formerly customary land in Papua New Guinea (PNG), but hardly any of this land has been devoted to production of the four green commodities in which PNG might have some comparative advantage – sustainable palm oil, bio-ethanol, biodiversity and carbon credits. Nearly all of it is dedicated to so-called ‘agro forestry’ projects that appear to be short-term salvage logging projects justified by the promise of a purely virtual form of large-scale agricultural production. I argue that the ‘agro foresters’ have been more successful than the green investors because of a set of political and institutional factors that distinguish PNG from many of the other countries where land grabbing has become the order of the day.